*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 48531 *** The Sowdone of Babylone. Early English Text Society. Extra Series. No. XXXVIII. 1881. BERLIN: ASHER & CO., 13, UNTER DEN LINDEN. NEW YORK: C. SCRIBNER & CO.; LEYPOLDT & HOLT. PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. THE ENGLISH CHARLEMAGNE ROMANCES. PART V. The Romaunce of The Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras his Sone who conquerede Rome. RE-EDITED FROM THE UNIQUE MS. OF THE LATE SIR THOMAS PHILLIPPS, with Introduction, Notes, and Glossary, BY EMIL HAUSKNECHT, PH. D. LONDON: PUBLISHED FOR THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRÜBNER & Co., PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING-CROSS ROAD, W.C. MDCCCLXXXI. [«Reprinted 1891, 1898.»] Extra Series, XXXVIII. RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON & BUNGAY. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION … v Popularity of the Carlovingian Romances … v Popularity of the Ferumbras Poem … vi The Provençal Ferabras … ix The Fierabras Poem an Enlarged and Recast Portion of the Old Balan Romance … xi The Poem of the Destruction de Rome … xiii MSS. of the French Fierabras … xv The English Sir Ferumbras, its Source, etc. … xvi The Poem of the Sowdan of Babylon, its Sources, its Differences from the Original Balan Romance and from the Ashmolean Ferumbras … xxii Dialect of the Sowdan … xxxiv Metre and Rhymes of the Sowdan … xl Date and Author of the Sowdan … xlv MS. of the Sowdan … xlvii Roxburghe Club Edition of the Sowdan … xlviii ADDITIONS … xlix The Hanover MS. of the French Fierabras Compared With the Sowdan … xlix The Hanover Version Compared With Sir Ferumbras … lii SKETCH OF THE STORY … liv THE ROMAUNCE OF THE SOWDONE OF BABYLONE AND OF FERUMBRAS HIS SONE WHO CONQUEREDE ROME … 1 NOTES … 95 GLOSSARIAL INDEX … 133 INDEX OF NAMES … 141 [p-v] INTRODUCTION. The exploits of Charles the Great, who by his achievements as conqueror and legislator, as reformer of learning and missionary, so deeply changed the face of Western Europe, who during a reign of nearly half a century maintained, by his armies, the authority of his powerful sceptre, from the southern countries of Spain and Italy to the more northern regions of Denmark, Poland, and Hungary, must have made a profound and unalterable impression in the minds of his contemporaries, so that for centuries afterwards they continued to live in the memory of the people. Evidence of this high pitch of popularity is given by the numerous «chansons de geste» or romances, which celebrate the deeds, or are connected with the name, of the great and valiant champion of Christendom. It is true that the sublime figure of Charlemagne, who with his imaginary twelve peers perpetually warred against all heathenish or Saracen people, in the romances of a later period, has been considerably divested of that nimbus of majestic grandeur, which the composers of the earlier poems take pains to diffuse around him. Whereas, in the latter, the person of the Emperor appears adorned with high corporeal, intellectual, and warlike gifts, and possessed of all royal qualities; the former show us the splendour of Royalty tarnished and debased, and the power of the feodal vassals enlarged to the prejudice of the royal authority. Roland, in speaking of Charlemagne, says, in the «Chanson de Roland», l. 376:— “Jamais n’iert hum qui encuntre lui vaillet,” and again the same Roland says of the Emperor, in «Guy de Bourgoyne», l. 1061:— “Laissomes ce viellart qui tous est assotez.” [p-vi] This glorification of the great Christian hero took its rise in France, but soon spread into the neighbouring countries, and before long Charlemagne was celebrated in song by almost all European nations. Indeed, there are translations, reproductions, compilations of French Charlemagne romances to be met with in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, as well as in Scandinavia and Iceland. Even in Hungary and Russia these «chansons» of the Charlemagne cycle seem to have been known.[1] A full account of almost all Charlemagne romances will be found in Gaston Paris’s exhaustive work of the «Histoire poétique de Charlemagne» (Paris, 1865), and in Léon Gautier’s «Epopées françaises» (Paris, 1867). Of all the Charlemagne romances, that of Fierabras or Ferumbras has certainly obtained the highest degree of popularity, as is shown by the numerous versions and reproductions of this romance, from the 13th century down to the present day. When the art of printing first became general, the first romance that was printed was a prose version of «Fierabras»; and when the study of mediæval metrical romances was revived in this century, the «Fierabras» poem was the first to be re-edited.[2] The balm of Fierabras especially seems to have been celebrated for its immediately curing any wound; we find it referred to and minutely described in Florian’s «Don Quichotte», I. chap. 10. The scene of Fierabras challenging to a combat the twelve peers of France, and of his vaunting offer to fight at once with six (or twelve) of them,[3] must also have been pretty familiar to French readers, as the name of Fierabras is met with in the sense of a simple common noun, signifying “a bragging bully or swaggering hector.”[4] Rabelais[5] also alludes to Fierabras, thinking him renowned enough as to figure in the pedigree of Pantagruel. In 1833, on a tour made through the Pyrenees, M. Jomard witnessed [p-vii] a kind of historical drama, represented by villagers, in which Fierabras and Balan were the principal characters.[6] That in our own days, the tradition of Fierabras continues to live, is evident from the fact, that copies of the Fierabras story, in the edition of the «Bibliothèque Bleue», still circulate amongst the country people of France.[7] There is even an illustrated edition, published in 1861, the pictures of which have been executed by no less an artist than Gustave Doré. And like Oberon, that other mediæval hero of popular celebrity,[8] Fierabras has become the subject of a musical composition. There is an Opera «Fierabras» composed by Franz Schubert (words by Joseph Kupelwieser) in 1823, the overture of which has been arranged for the piano in 1827, by Carl Czerny.[9] The different versions and the popularity of the present romance in France, Italy, Spain, and Germany, having been treated in the Introduction to «Sir Ferumbras», we need not repeat it again here.[10] As to the popularity of the «Fierabras» romance in the Netherlands, the following passage from Hoffmann, «Horæ Belgicæ» (Vratislaviæ, 1830), I. 50, may be quoted here[11]:— “Quam notæ Belgis, sec. xiii. et xiv., variæ variarum nationum fabulæ fuerint, quæ ex Gallia septemtrionali, ubi originem ceperunt, translatæ sunt, pauca hæc testimonia demonstrabunt:— . . . . in exordio Sidraci:—[12] ‘Dickent hebbic de gone ghescouden, die hem an boeken houden daer si clene oerbare in leren, also sijn jeesten van heeren, van Paerthenopeuse, van Amidase, van Troijen ende van «Fierabrase», ende van menighen boeken, die men mint ende daer men litel oerbaren in vint, [p-viii] ende dat als leghene es ende mere, ende anders en hebben ghene lere, danne vechten ende vrowen minnen ende lant ende steden winnen . . . . . .’— “Nec rarius tanguntur fabulæ de Carolo Magno, «Speculum Historiale», IV. 1. xxix (cf. Bilderdijk, «Verscheidenh», I. D. bl. 161–2):— ‘Carel es menichwaerf beloghen in groten boerden ende in hoghen, alse boerders doen ende oec dwase, diene beloghen van «Fierabrase», dat nie ghesciede noch en was . . . . die scone walsce valsce poeten, die mer rimen dan si weten, belieghen groten Caerle vele in sconen worden ende bispele van «Fierabrase van Alisandre», van «Pont Mautrible» ende andre, dat algader niet en was . .   . .’” That the «Fierabras» romance must have been well known and highly popular in England and Scotland, may be gathered from the numerous references to this poem in various Middle English works. Thus the whole subject of the «Fierabras» romance is found in the following passage, taken from «Barbour’s Bruce», ed. Skeat, 3, 435 ss., where the King is described as relating to his followers:— “Romanys off worthi Ferambrace, That worthily our-commyn was Throw the rycht douchty Olywer; And how the duz Peris wer Assegyt intill Egrymor, Quhar King Lawyne lay thaim befor With may thowsandis then I can say, And bot elewyn within war thai, And a woman; and wa sa stad, That thai na mete thar within had, Bot as thai fra thair fayis wan. Y heyte, sua contenyt thai thaim than; That thai the tour held manlily, Till that Rychard off Normandy, Magre his fayis, warnyt the king, That wes joyfull off this tithing: For he wend, thai had all bene slayne, Tharfor he turnyt in hy agayne, And wan Mantrybill and passit Flagot; And syne Lawyne and all his flot Dispitusly discumfyt he: And deliueryt his men all fre, And wan the «naylis», and the «sper», And the croune that Ihesu couth ber; [p-ix] And off the «croice» a gret party He wan throw his chewalry.”[13] In his poem of «Ware the Hawk», Skelton (ed. Dyce, I. 162) cites «Syr Pherumbras» as a great tyrant. He also refers to him in one of his poems against Garnesche, whom he addresses with the following apostrophe:— “Ye fowle, fers and felle, as Syr Ferumbras the ffreke.” The story of the combat between Oliver and Ferumbras is alluded to by Lyndsay, in his «Historie of ane Nobil and Wailȝeand Squyer, William Meldrum», ed. Hall, ll. 1313–16:— “Roland with Brandwell, his bricht brand, Faucht never better, hand for hand, Nor Gawin aganis Golibras, Nor «Olyver» with «Pharambras».” The tale of the fortified bridge of Mauntrible seems also to have been very well known in England and Scotland. In the «Complaint of Scotland», ed. Murray, p. 63, we find the «Tail of the Brig of the Mantrible» mentioned among other famous romances. In his lampoon on Garnesche, Skelton describes his adversary as being more deformed and uglier than “Of Mantryble the bryge Malchus[14] the murryon.” As has already been mentioned, amongst all the Charlemagne romances the (originally French) romance of «Fierabras» is remarkable as being one of the first that was rescued from the dust of libraries; and it is worthy of note, in connection with it, that the first printed version was not a French, but a Provençal one, which was published not in France, the birth-place of the romance, but in Germany. The manuscript of this Provençal version having been discovered by Lachmann in the Library of Prince Ludwig von Oettingen-Wallerstein,[15] [p-x] somewhere about the year 1820, the poem was published in 1829 by Immanuel Bekker.[16] Raynouard, who drew attention to this edition of the poem in the «Journal des Savants», March 1831, supposed this Provençal version to be the original. Soon after Fauriel discovered at Paris two MSS. of the romance in French, and a third French MS. was found in London,[17] by Fr. Michel, in 1838. In 1852 Fauriel gave an account of the poem in the «Histoire Littéraire de la France, par les religieux bénédictins de congregation de Saint-Maur . . . . . continuée par des membres de l’Institut», vol. xxii. p. 196 «et seq.», where he also investigated the question of the originality of the two versions, without arriving at a final solution; as from the comparison of the French and the Provençal version, no conclusion as to the original could be drawn in favour of either of the two poems.[18] As early as 1829 Uhland and Diez had expressed their opinion, that in all probability the Provençal poem was to be looked upon as a reproduction of some French source;[19] and in 1839 Edelestand du Méril, in France, had pointed out the French poem as the original of the Provençal version;[20] Guessard in his lectures at the Ecole des Chartes, at Paris, had also defended the same opinion; when in 1860, the editors of the French «Fierabras»[21] finally and irrefutably proved the impossibility of considering the Provençal poem as anything but a translation of a French original. [p-xi] In 1865, Gaston Paris, in his «Poetical History of Charlemagne», pointed out that what we have now of the Fierabras romance must be looked upon as a very different version from the old original «Fierabras» (or «Balan») romance, the former being indeed only a portion, considerably amplified and in its arrangement modified, of the old poem, the first portion of which has been lost altogether. Gaston Paris had been led to this supposition by the rather abrupt opening of the «Fierabras», which at once introduces the reader «in medias res», and by the numerous passages of the «Fierabras», which contain allusions and references to preceding events; several of which, being obscure and inexplicable from the context of the «Fierabras» itself, can only be explained by assuming the existence of an earlier poem. The main subject of the old «Balan» or «Fierabras» romance may be given as follows:—“The Saracens having invaded Rome and killed the Pope, Charlemagne sends, from France, Guy of Burgundy and Richard of Normandy to the rescue of the city, and follows himself with his main army. After a fierce combat between Oliver and Ferumbras, the city is delivered from the Saracens, and a new Pope established.”[22] [p-xii] Of all the events related in the old «Balan» romance, there is but one which is contained in the «Fierabras» poem, viz. the combat between Oliver and Ferumbras, and even this has been greatly modified in consequence of the composer’s transferring the scene of action from Italy to Spain. All the other events related in the «Fierabras», the love of Floripas and Guy, the capture of the twelve peers, their being besieged in the castle of Agremor, and their deliverance by Charlemagne, and the ultimate wedding of Floripas and Guy are altogether wanting in the original «Fierabras» [Balan] romance. Therefore Gaston Paris was right in saying that the «Fierabras» poem contained only the second part of the earlier poem, the first part of which had not come down to us. Now it seemed as though this view, which had been clearly [p-xiii] demonstrated and generally adopted, would have to undergo a thorough modification on the discovery of a new Fierabras Manuscript in Hanover. Professor Grœber, having been informed of the existence of that MS. by Professor Tobler, published from it, in 1873, the poem of the «Destruction de Rome»,[23] which in that MS. precedes the «Fierabras» romance.[24] In his Address to the Assembly of German Philologists at Leipzig,[25] the same scholar attempted to show that this poem represented the first part of the earlier «Balan» romance. This supposition, however, can only be accepted with reserve, and needs a great modification, as by no means all the references to previous events contained in the «Fierabras» receive explanation in the «Destruction», although all such previous events must have been narrated in the original «Balan». Moreover, one of these allusions in the «Fierabras» is in direct contradiction to the contents of the «Destruction». Thus ll. 2237 «et seq.» of the «Fierabras»:[26]— “.i. chevalier de France ai lontans enamé: Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel armé; Parens est Karlemaine et Rollant l’aduré. Dès que je fui à Romme, m’a tout mon cuer emblé, Quant l’amirans mes peres fist gaster la cité, «Lucafer de Baudas abati ens ou pré,» «Et lui et le ceval, d’un fort espiel quarré»,” where Floripas declares that she has seen Guy before Rome when defeating Lukafer, widely differ from the account given in ll. 1355 «et seq.» of the «Destruction», where Guy does not arrive at Rome until «after» the departure of Laban’s army to Spain. In the «Destruction» no clue is given which would enable us to explain why Charles should be constantly applying to Richard in the «Fierabras» (ll. 112 «et seq.») for information about Fierabras, or why Richard, in particular, should know more about Fierabras than any one else. There is no mention in the «Destruction» of Richard chasing [p-xiv] the Emir before him in the plain of Rome, to which event ll. 3708–9 of the «Fierabras»[27] clearly refer. “Richars de Normendie au courage aduré, Qui cacha l’amirant devant Romme ens el pré.” The allusion contained in l. 2614,[28] . . . . “Richart de Normendie, Cil qui m’ocist Corsuble et mon oncle Mautrie,” where Richard is said to have slain Corsuble and Mautrie, the uncle of Floripas, is not cleared up by the «Destruction», as in the three passages, where Richard is mentioned there (ll. 246, 288, 541), he does not play an active part at all, whereas from Mousket’s analysis of the original «Fierabras» [«Balan»] romance, we know how important a part Guy and Richard played in the old poem.[29] There Richard and Guy being sent off by Charlemagne as a first succour to the oppressed Romans, succeeded in delivering Château-Miroir, which had been seized by the Saracens. The story of the combat around Château-Miroir, as related in the «Destruction», ll. 593 ss., is thoroughly different,[30] as besides other variations, there is neither Richard nor Guy concerned in it. Therefore, as the contents of the «Destruction» are not identical with Mousket’s analysis of the old «Balan» romance, and as several passages alluding to events previously described are left unexplained in the «Destruction»; and as there is even an instance of the «Destruction» being in contradiction to the «Fierabras», the poem of the «Destruction de Rome» cannot be said to be identical with the first part of the «Balan» romance.[31] [p-xv] The Provençal version and the «Destruction» are each printed from unique MSS., the latter from the Hanover MS., the former from the Wallerstein MS. Of the French «Fierabras» there are seven MSS. known to exist. «a» = the MS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, Supplém. franç., No. 180, which has been followed throughout by the editors of the French «Fierabras», who in cases of evident errors or lacunæ of this MS., consulted the three following MSS.: «b» = the MS. of the Biblioth. Nationale, Lancelot, 7566^{3.3}. «c» = the MS. of the British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.[32] «d» = the MS. of the Vatican Library, Regina 1616. «D» = the MS. in possession of M. Ambroise-Firmin Didot, a small fragment of which has been printed by Gautier, «Epopées» fr. ii. 307. «E» = the Escorial MS., a description of which, together with the variations, has been given by Knust, in the «Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur», vol. ix. p. 43 et seq. «H» = the Hanover MS., which also contains the «Destruction de Rome». It has been described by Professor Grœber in the «Jahrbuch», xiii. p. 111. [p-xvi] As to the English «Fierabras» romances, there are two versions known to exist:[33] the poem of «Sir Ferumbras» contained in the Ashmole MS. 33[34] and the present poem. In the following we shall attempt to point out the differences of these two versions, and to examine whether there is any relationship between the English and the French poems, and if possible to identify the original of the former. A superficial comparison of the English poem of «Sir Ferumbras» with the French romance «Fierabras» (edd. Krœber and Servois) will suffice at once to show the great resemblance between the two versions. In my «Dissertation» on the sources and language of the «Sowdan of Babylone» (Berlin, 1879) I have proved (pp. 30–40) that the Ashmolean «Ferumbras» must be considered as a running poetical translation of a French original. Since Mr. Herrtage, in the Introduction to his edition of the Ashmole MS. 33, has also pointed out the closeness with which the translator generally followed the original, which he believes to belong to the same type as the «Fierabras», edited by MM. Krœber and Servois. “The author has followed his original closely, so far as relates to the course of events; but at the same time he has translated it freely, introducing several slight incidents and modifications, which help to enliven and improve the poem. That he has not translated his original literally, is shown by the fact that the French version consists of only 6219 lines, or allowing for the missing portion of the Ashmole MS., not much more than one-half the number of lines in the latter, and that too, although he has cut down the account of the duel between Oliver and Ferumbras from 1500 to 800 lines, by leaving out Oliver’s attempts at converting the Saracen, Charlemagne’s prayers, &c.” Now, in my opinion, we ought not to lay too much stress on the fact that the number of lines in the two versions differs, as all translators of poetical works, who wish to follow their original as closely as possible, will easily be able to render it ‘literally’ as long as they write in prose. But adopting a poetical form for their translation, and still pursuing their intention of a close rendering of their original, [p-xvii] they must needs be more diffuse, and the consideration of rhythm and rhyme will compel them sometimes to abandon a quite literal translation, and to be content with a free reproduction. This is also the case with the author of «Syr Ferumbras», who, notwithstanding the many passages where the French text is not given ‘literally,’ must be considered as a close rhymed translation of the French poem. The only liberty which we see the English author take sometimes, consists in contracting or amalgamating together those «couplets similaires»,[35] or strophes which contain repetitions. But not always did the author thus give up his plan of rendering his original closely: occasionally he has such repetitionary lines in the same place as the French poem, as, for instance, in ll. 130 «et seq.» corresponding to «Fierabras», ll. 125 «et seq.» The closeness and literalness of his translation is well exemplified by his introduction in an English dress of a great many French words which are unknown, or at least of a most rare occurrence, in English, and which in his translation are found in the same place and context, where the French text has them. This will be best illustrated by juxtaposing the corresponding phrases of the two versions. Ashmole «Ferumbras». French «Fierabras». 312 Hit ys «rewarded» ous two 301 ‘Nous jujon Olivier, si betwyne þat Olyuer schal wende l’avons «esgardé» Qu’il fera la and take þe batail bataille au paien deffaé.’ 330 «Mercy», quaþ he to kyng 333 ‘As piés le roy se jete, Charles «merchi» li a priié.’ 369 þat «paynede» crist 377 ‘—dont vos Diex fu «penès».’ 388 Er y «remuvie» me of þis 392 ‘Ains que je m’en «remue» ...’ place 399 y «chalenge» wiþ þe to fiȝt 402 ‘—je te voel «calengier»’ 457 «Parfay», ansuerde erld O. 449 ‘«Par foi», dist Oliviers ...’ 533 þat he ne . . maden ȝelde his 548 ‘se Roland s’i combat, ne faice body to him «creaunt» «recréant»’ 537 wiþ my swerd «trenchaunt» 553 ‘ . . . à m’espée «trencant»’ 538 «Sarsyns», said erld O. 554 «Sarrazins», dist li quans ... 551 long man in «fourchure» 579 Il ot «l’enfourcéure» grant 558 a ful «gret pite», etc. 586 j’ai de toi «grand pité», etc. [p-xviii] 751 haue «mercy» of me, «iantail» 1494–5 — «merci» li a crié: knyȝt «Gentix» hom . . 781 to «remurie» þe of þis place 1515 ja par moi n’i seriés . . «remués» 817 he was «encombred» with F. 1552 Mais de F. est . . . «encombrés» 922 þey went forth on a «pendant» 1696 Cil s’entornent fuiant le «pendant» d’un laris 947 wan hure spere gunne to 1712 Quant les lances lor «falent» «faile» 984 At «avalyng» of an hulle 1734 À «l’avaler» d’un tertre 1008. 1012 to «rescourre» þe 1757 . . les barons «rescous» . . barons 1016 wel longe hadde þis «chas» 1764 Moult fu grans cele «chace» ylest 1058 and oþre reliques riche ynow 1806 Et les dignes reliques dont il wherof y have «plentee» i ad «plenté» 1227 for to wyte wat þay «be» and 2067 Lor «couvine» et lor «estre» hure «covyne» yknowe enquerre et demander. 1316 By an old forsake ȝeate of 2144 Par une gaste porte de «viel» þe «olde antiquyte» «antequité» 1773 sittynge on a grene «erber» 2562 . . siét sous cel «arbre» ramé. 1974 Florippe his doȝtre þe 2712 Floripas la «courtoise» a «cortoyse» in «chambre» þar le «nois» escoute Puis issi de she was In þe «paleys» yhurde la «cambre», . . . Entresi c’au «noise» and þyder þan she gas «palais» . . 2007 þow ert «asotid» 2733 . . vous voi «assoté». 2538 a gret «repref» it were 3136 . . il nous est «reprouvé» 3665 brydel and «paytrel» and al 4117 Li estrier furent d’or, þe gere wiþ fyn gold yharneyssed rices fu li «poitrés» were 3672 and þe king him gan «ascrie» 4126 . . . si s’est haut «escriés». 3791 a gret «dul» þay made þere 4236 . . demainent grant «dolour» 4541 with an hard «crestid» 4832 vestu ot la pel d’un dur «serpentis» fel «serpent» «cresté» 5753 on þan ston a «cracchede» 5910 en «despit» de Ihesu ens es and in a spatte in «dispit» of fous «ecraca». god, etc. Besides these undoubted examples of translation, we must bear in mind that there occur some variations of readings, where, indeed, the author of «Syr Ferumbras» seems to have introduced slight incidents and modifications. But examining them more closely, we shall soon become aware that many of them also point to a French original, which we may sometimes identify by comparing these variations with the readings of those French MSS. that are already printed. Thus, the words “þarto ys stede þan tyeþ he,” l. 91, render exactly a line of the Escorial MS.[36]—“son cheval aresna à l’abricel rose”—which is omitted in l. 93 of «F» («i. e.» the French «Fierabras», as edited by MM. Krœber and Servois).[37] [p-xix] The following is another example of A (= the Ashmolean «Ferumbras») differing from «F», but agreeing with «E»: A. E. 175 Ne «lyre» he noȝt þys day til 175 ke il puisse tant «vivre» que evene cis jours soit passés 2131 Adoun þay gunne falle, 2833 Issi «agenoillierent» par «knellyng» on þe erthe stille bones volentez ... & «kussedem» «everechone», ... «Ils baissent» les reliques ... etc. Notwithstanding these resemblances of «A» to «E», in passages where «A» differs from «F», «E» cannot have been the source of «A», as there are many instances where «E» and «F» show the same reading, whereas «A» differs from both versions. Thus, «A», l. 340 «et seq.», it is Duke Reyner who blesses his son, and not Charles, as «E» and «F» (l. 357) have it. The names of Arrenor, Gwychard, Gayot, and Angwyree, given in l. 814, differ from those which are mentioned in the corresponding passage of «E» and «F» (ll. 1548–49). There is no mention of Kargys being slain by Oliver («A» 880) to be found in «E» or «F» (l. 1670–76). In «A» 1178, «Lamasour» advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners; in «E» and «F» (l. 1948) the same advice is given by «Brulans». The names of «Lambrock» and «Colbrant» («A» 1616, 1618) are not found in «E» and «F», 2424. «A», ll. 1347–48, are wanting in «E» and «F» (2174). [p-xx] Instead of a giant («A» 1700) we find a giantess mentioned in «E» and «F» (l. 2483). Instead of Roland («A» 1793) it is Naymes who speaks first in «E» and «F», 2570. These few instances, the number of which might easily be increased, will certainly suffice to show the impossibility of regarding «E» as the original of «A». Only a short passage of the Didot MS. has been hitherto printed;[38] therefore the arguments drawn from a comparison of «A» with that printed passage cannot be considered as altogether irrefutable and final. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same family of MSS. as «E», we may at once presume, that as «E» cannot be taken for the original of «A», the possibility of the Didot MS. being the source of «A», is not very strong. Besides it may be stated, that no trace of the two additional lines (ll. 19 and 20[39]) which the Didot MS. inserts after l. 63 of «a» (or «F») is found in «A», although this version gives, in ll. 52 ss., a pretty close translation of the corresponding passage in «F» (ll. 50 «et seq.»). This may lead us to conclude that the Didot MS. was not the source of «A». Comparing now «A» with what is known of the Hanover MS. of «Fierabras»,[40] we find «A» resembling to «H» in the following names: «Lucafer» (only once «Lukefer» in «A» 2204), «Maragounde» (once «Marigounde, A» 1364), «Maubyn A» = «Maupyn H.»—«A» 1700 and 2831, which differ from «F», equally agree with «H». In the last case «A» agrees also with «E» (although differing from «F»). Now as we know that «H» together with «D» and «E» are derived from the same group «z»,[41] we may perhaps be justified in regarding a MS. of the latter group as the original of «A». But a more detailed comparison of «A» with «H» being impossible at present, this argumentation wants confirmation. The impossibility of regarding the Provençal version as the source [p-xxi] of the Ashmolean «Ferumbras», is proved by the fact that the long additional account, the ‘episode’ as Professor Grœber calls it,[42] is wanting in «A». Another proof is given by «A», ll. 5763 «et seq.», where «A» agrees with «F», but widely differs from «P».[43] It seems superfluous to point out the inadmissibility of regarding the French prose version as the original of «A», the first edition of the prose version being of a much later date than the Ashmole «Ferumbras». But also that version from which the prose romance has been copied or compiled, cannot have been the original of «A». For although the phrase of «A», 3888—“A skuntede as a bore”—seems to contain some resemblance of expression with the reading of the prose «Fierabras»—“il commença à escumer come s’il fust ung senglier eschaufé,” which Caxton translates—“he began to scumme at the mouthe lyke a bore enchaffed”—the reading of «A», ll. 1307 ss., which greatly varies from Caxton’s version (a translation of the French prose «Fierabras»), renders inadmissible the supposition that the original of the French prose version is the source of «A».[44] Having thus compared the Ashmolean «Ferumbras», as far as can be done at present, with all existing versions of this romance, we arrive at the following conclusions. The Ashmole «Ferumbras» is a pretty close translation of some French version, which we are at present unable to identify. Its original was neither of the same family («w») as the «Fierabras», edited by MM. Krœber and Servois, nor yet of that of the Escorial version. Nevertheless, the original of «Sir Ferumbras» cannot have differed much from the common original, from which these two groups of MSS. are derived. To this original, called «y» by Grœber, the MS., from which «A» has been copied, appears to have been more closely related than to the Provençal version, from which it certainly is not derived. As the liberties which the author of «Sir Ferumbras» took in translating his original, consist only in very slight modifications, we may conclude [p-xxii] from his closeness of translation in general, that in those passages of «A» which exhibit significant deviations from the known French versions, these variations are not due to the composer of the Ashmolean poem, but were already to be found in its original. Therefore the Ashmole «Ferumbras» may be considered as representing by itself the translation of an independent French MS., which perhaps belonged, or at least was nearly related, to the type «y». I now come to the consideration of the «Sowdan of Babylone», which the simple analysis given by Ellis,[45] shows to be an essentially different work from the Ashmolean «Ferumbras». Indeed, whilst the «Syr Ferumbras» represents only a portion (viz. the second part) of the original «Fierabras» [or «Balan», as Gaston Paris has styled it],[46] the «Sowdan» approaches the original more nearly in that it contains the long ‘introductory account’.[47] For this first part of the «Sowdan» (as far as l. 970), although it cannot be considered as identical with the first portion of the old «Balan» romance, contains several facts, which, however abridged and modified, show a great resemblance with those which must have been the subject of the lost portion of the old original. Whereas the Ashmolean «Ferumbras» is, on the whole, a mere translation of a French original, the «Sowdan» must be looked upon as a free reproduction of the English redactor, who, though following his original as far as regards the course of events, modelled the matter given there according to his own genius, and thus came to compose an independent work of his own. This point being fully treated in my «Dissertation»,[48] I need not again enter into discussion of it here. I only mention that the composer of the «Sowdan» has much shortened his original, omitting all episodes and secondary circumstances not necessarily connected with the principal action, so that this poem does not contain half the number of lines which his original had,[49] and that the proportion of the diffuse Ashmolean «Ferumbras» and the «Sowdan» is over five to one.[50] [p-xxiii] The subject of the ‘introductory account,’ or the first part of the «Sowdan», is nearly the same as that of the «Destruction de Rome», differing from this poem only in the omission of a few insignificant incidents or minor episodes, and in greater conciseness, which latter circumstances, however, enters into the general plan of the author. Indeed, the author of the «Sowdan» seems to have known the «Destruction», as we see from a comparison of the two poems. Thus the following instances show a great resemblance of expression of the two versions: «Sowdan.» «Destruction.» 37 ‘With kinges xii and 420 ‘Ensemble ou li issirent xv admyralles xiv’ roi corone Et xiv amaceours’ 1154 ‘Bien i a xxx roi et xiv admiré’ 689 ‘xxx roi sont ou li et xiv amaceours’ 163 ‘Et xiv amaceours’ 77 ‘The Romaynes robbed us 115–16 ‘De cels de Romenie que anone’ m’ont fait desrobber. Tiel avoir m’ont robbé’ 75 ‘to presente you’ 119 ‘vous quidai presenter’ 76 ‘a drift of wedir us droffe to 120 ‘Uns vens nous fist à Rome Rome’ parmi le far sigler’ 110 ‘An hundred thousande’ 217 ‘Par C fois M payen’ 128 ‘To manace with the Cristene 228 ‘pour François menacier’ lore’ 332 ‘Et menace François pour faire les loye’ 175–76 ‘Oure sheldes be not broke 546–47 ‘Quant encor nen est lance nothinge, Hawberkes, spere, ner quassée ne brusie, Ne halbers poleyne, ner pole’ derompus, ne fors targe percie’ 224–27 ‘Lukafere, Kinge of Baldas, 613–19 ‘Lucafer de Baldas The countrey hade serchid and discent al mestre tre, Devant sought, Ten thousande maidyns l’amirail vint, forment fayre of face Unto the Sowdan l’a encline: Voyant tot hath he broghte’ ses barnages l’a l’eschec presente, Moignes, prestres et lais, que sont enchenee, Hermites et enfants, a tous lor poign lié; As femmes et pucels les os furent bende, Totes vives presentent par devant l’admiré.’ 228 ss. ‘The Sowdane commaunded 614 ‘Maintenant soient tot occis hem anone That thai shulde al et descoupé. Ne voil que mi be slayne . . . He saide “My serjant en soient encombré.’ peple nowe ne shalle With hem noughte defouled be”’ 278 ‘He clepede his engynour Sir 908 ‘Sortibrans a mande Mabon Mavone’ l’engineor’ 289 ‘Mahoundis benysone thou shalt 627 ‘Mahon te benoie’ haue’ 925 ‘Mahon te doint honor’ [p-xxiv] 286 ‘And fille the dikes faste 934 ‘Si emplirons les fosses’ anoone’ 293 ‘Men myght go even to the 918 ‘K’om poet aler al mure’ walle’ 952 ‘K’om pooit bien au mur et venir et aler’ 307 ‘The hethen withdrowe hem tho’ 979 ‘Payen se sont retrait’ 317 ‘His baner knowe I ful welle’ 997 ‘Jeo ai bien ses armes conu et avisee’ 331 ‘He entred to the maistre 1011 ‘Tantost le mestre porte toure’ aurons moult bien ferme’ 332 ‘The firste warde thus they 1057 ‘Mais tot le premier bail ont wonne’ Sarasin pople’ 346–50 ‘And Estragot with him he 1090–94 ‘Estragot le poursuit, mette With bores hede, blake uns geans diffaes, Teste avoit and donne. For as a bore an com senglers, si fu rois hede hadde And a grete mace coronés. El main tient une stronge as stele. He smote mace de fin ascier trempé, Un Savaryz as he were madde’ coup a Savariz desur le chef done’ 587 ‘Therfore Gy of Bourgoyne! 1179 ‘Et Guion de Bourgoyne a Myn owen nevewe so trewe’ a lui apelle, Fils est de sa soror et de sa parente: Cosins, vous en irrés . .’ 647 ‘He smote of the traytours 1236 ‘Le chief al portier trenche’ hede’ 648 ‘And saide “Gode gife him 1244 ‘“Diex” fist il “te maldie et care, Shal he never more ete que t’ont engendré, Kar brede, All traitours evel mot traitour au darain averont mal thai fare”’ dehé.”’ 663 ‘Ferumbras to Seinte Petris 1260 ‘Al moustier de saint Piere wente’ est Fierenbras ales’ 727 ‘Thre hundred thousande of 1403 ‘iii C mil chevaliers’ sowdeours’ 743 ‘Sir Gye aspied his comynge, 1409 ‘Guis parceut le baniere le He knewe the baner of Fraunce, roi de saint Dine, Encontre He wente anoone ayen the Kinge, lui chevalche, la novele ont And tolde him of that conté Come la fort cité li myschaunce, payen ont gasté; La corone Howe that the cursed sowdone, et les clous d’iloec en Hath brent Rome and bore the sont robbé Et les altres relequis awaye’ reliques . .’ 771 ‘Wynde him blewe ful fayre and 1425 ‘Li vens en fiert es voilles gode’ que les a bien guies’ 778 ‘To londe thai wente iwis’ 1427 ‘il sont en terre entré’ 783 ‘Tithinggis were tolde to 1436 ‘Les noveles en vindrent al Lavan’ soldan diffaié’ 787 ‘With three hundred thousand 1443 ‘iii C mile François’ of bacheleris’ Other instances of resemblance may be found in the following passages: «S» 49–50 = «D» 94–99;[51] «S» 103 = «D» 202, 209; «S» 119 = «D» 385; «S» 146 = «D» 445–46; «S» 150 = «D» 503–4; «S» 157 = «D» 509; «S» 300 = «D» 967; [p-xxv] «S» 303 = «D» 915; «S» 396 = «D» 977; «S» 312 = «D» 989; «S» 340 = «D» 1063; «S» 360 = «D» 1101; «S» 376 = «D» 1119, 1121; «S» 377 = «D» 1133; «S» 380 = «D» 1136; «S» 699 = «D» 1379; «S» 723 = «D» 1384, &c., &c. Besides, there are some names which occurring in none of the French versions, but in the «Destruction», point to this poem as to the original of the «Sowdan». Thus «Savaris»[52] («S» 171) seems to be taken from «D» 540. «Astragot» or «Estragot», «S» 346, 2944, 3022, the name of the giant by whom Savaris is slain, and who is said to be the husband of Barrock, occurs in «D» 1090. The «Ascopartes», a people subjected to the Soudan, are mentioned in «D» 98, 426, but not in «F» or «P». King «Lowes», in the context where it occurs («S» 24) is clearly taken from «D» 9. «Iffrez», «S» 165, is perhaps the same as «Geffroi» in «D» 1139, 1367, 1122. [«Mounpelers», «S» 3228, occurs only in «D» 250, 286.] «Persagyn», «S» 1259, seems to be identical with «Persagon», «D» 162. The form «Laban» is only met with in the «Destruction», the French and the Provençal versions, and the Ashmole «Ferumbras» reading «Balan».[53] The name of the Soudan’s son, «Ferumbras», is explained by the form «Fierenbras», which occurs in «D» 57, 66, 71, 91, 343, 1210, 1237, besides the spelling «Fierabras», which is the only one used in the French, the Provençal and Caxton’s versions. Also the phrase ‘sowdan’ seems to have been derived from the «Destruction» (l. 1436, ‘soldan’), as it does not occur in any other version. The great number of these resemblances seem evidently to point out the «Destruction» as the original of the first portion of the «Sowdan»; the few points in which the two versions differ not being such as to offer convincing arguments against this supposition. [p-xxvi] Indeed if, for instance, we find a lot of nations, the names of which are not in «D», mentioned by the author of the poem as belonging to the Soudan’s empire, this point can be considered as irrelevant, as from many other instances we know how fond many composers of mediæval romances were of citing geographical names, by the great number of which they believed to show their knowledge in that science.[54] Also the three names of Saints («Qwyntyn», «Symon», «Fremond»[55]), and the names of five Saracen gods and of a Saracen bishop,[56] many of which, moreover, seem to be inserted only for the sake of rhyme, cannot be regarded as being of great consequence in establishing the source of the «Sowdan». Others also, as «Oliborn», «Focard», «Hubert», «Gyndard», «Tamper» (the last occurring twice as a rhyme-word), being the names of insignificant characters, may be looked upon as mere expletives. Another variation is «Isrez» (ll. 625, 641) for «Tabour» («D» 1202). Besides these variations in the names contained in the two poems, we find in the «Sowdan» some slight modifications as to the matter related; none of which, however, is of so significant a character, as necessarily to point to some other original than the «Destruction», which the very striking points of resemblance above cited show almost decisively to have been the original of the «Sowdan». The differences in the subject-matter may be explained by the tendency of the poet to follow his original only as far as the principal events are concerned, but to have his own way in the arrangement of the subject-matter, and especially to deal freely with secondary incidents. Thus he may have thought the combat round Château-Miroir—which, moreover, is related in the «Destruction» in a rather obscure and confused style—to be a rather episodical incident, which he had better leave out in his poem, as not advancing the principal course of events. A similar explanation may be given of the fact, that the account of Lukafer’s desiring the hand of Floripas is given on another occasion in the «Sowdan» than in the «Destruction». In the «Destruction», l. 241, Lucafer claims that maiden immediately on arriving in the [p-xxvii] Soudan’s camp, as a reward for his having travelled such a long way in Laban’s service. The poet of the «Sowdan» thinking, perhaps, that this was not a sufficient reason to justify such a claim, mentions this incident at another time, which he may have considered as more properly chosen for demanding a reward. It is on returning from a victorious expedition undertaken by Lukafer that the latter in the «Sowdan», ll. 224–242, asks for the hand of Floripas. As to the following or second part of the «Sowdan», on the whole the same subject is treated of as in the Ashmole «Ferumbras». But there are many differences between the two poems. In the «Sowdan», l. 1411 «et seq.», Roland is captured by the Saracens at the same time as Oliver, and both on being conducted before Laban at once avow their names. In the Ashmole MS., ll. 909, &c., Oliver is led away to the Soudan together with Gwylmer, Berard, Geoffrey, and Aubray, whereas Roland is among the French peers whom Charlemagne sends on a mission to Laban to demand the surrender of Oliver.[57] The names of the twelve peers do not agree in both poems. In the «Sowdan» we find the following list (cf. ll. 1653 «et seq.», and ll. 1730, 880):—Roland, Oliver, Duk Neymes of Bavere, Oger Danoys, Tery Lardeneys, Folk Baliante, Aleroyse of Loreyne, Miron of Braban, Bishop Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Bryer of Mountez,[58] Guy of Bourgoyne.[59]—Richard of Normandye, although a most important personage, is not included amongst the «Douzeperes». Nor is Guenelyn mentioned as a peer of France. Four of these names, Folk Baliant, Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Aleroyse of Loreyne, do not occur at all in the Ashmolean «Ferumbras».[60] The new game which Lucafer wants to teach Neymes, is differently described in the two poems, there being no mention made in the Ashmol. MS. (ll. 2231 «et seq.») of the thread, needle, and coal, as spoken of in ll. 1998–2000 of the «Sowdan». [p-xxviii] In the «Sowdan», l. 2507, Laban, being engaged with his gods, seizes the image of Mahound and smashes it. This incident is omitted in «Syr Ferumbras» (ll. 3345). In the Ashmole MS., ll. 5760 «et seq.», Ferumbras tries to persuade his father to become a Christian, whilst Floripas urges Charles not to delay in putting him to death. In the «Sowdan», l. 3156 «et seq.», there is no mention of either of them interfering either for or against their father. Ashm. MS., ll. 130 «et seq.», differs greatly from the corresponding passage in the «Sowdan» (ll. 1647 «et seq.»). In the latter poem the knights are pulled up from their dungeon with a rope, whilst in the former they have their fetters taken off by means of a sledge-hammer, anvil, and tongs, &c. In the «Sowdan», l. 3044, Richard of Normandy is left back as a governor of Mantrible; in the Ashmole version, l. 4881 «et seq.», Raoul and Howel are ordered to keep that place, whereas Richard accompanies Charlemagne (cf. l. 5499). In the Ashm. MS., l. 5209, Neymes sees first Charles coming with his host; in the «Sowdan», l. 3083, it is Floripas who first discovers the banner of France. The prayer which Charlemagne, seeing Oliver in distress, addressed to Christ, in the «Sowdan», l. 1304 «et seq.», is not mentioned in the Ashm. version. The account of the duel between Oliver and Ferumbras differs considerably in the two versions. In the Ashmolean MS., l. 580, the incident of Oliver assisting Ferumbras to arm (cf. «Sowdan», 1158) is omitted, and it is not Oliver (as in the «Sowdan», l. 1270) who is disarmed, but Ferumbras, whom his adversary offers to accept his own sword back (Ashm. MS., l. 680). In the Ashmolean version, l. 102, Ferumbras offers to fight at once with twelve of Charles’s knights; in the corresponding passage of the «Sowdan», l. 1067, he challenges only six. In the «Sowdan», l. 1512 «et seq.», Floripas advises her father not to slay the captive peers, but to detain them as hostages that might be exchanged for Ferumbras. In the Ashm. MS., l. 1178, it is not Floripas, but Lamasour, who gives that advice to the amirant. [p-xxix] As in many of the variations, mentioned just before, there are many omissions in the Ashmole MS., which are related in the «Sowdan», it becomes evident that the Ashmolean version cannot have been the original from which the «Sowdan» was copied, which is also proved by several names occurring in the «Sowdan», but which are not to be found in «Syr Ferumbras». Thus, for instance, the names of «Espiard», «Belmore», «Fortibrance», «Tamper»,[61] do not occur at all in the Ashmolean version, whereas other names have quite a different form in the latter poem. For «Generyse», «S» 1135, 1239, we find «Garin», «A» 216, 443; «Barrock», «S» 2939, 2943, 3022 = «Amyote», «A» 4663; «Alagolofur», «S» 2135, 2881 = «Agolafre», «A» 3831, 4327; and «Laban» is always spelt «Balan» in the Ashmolean poem, &c. Now as there are some passages where the «Sowdan», while it differs from the Ashm. MS., corresponds with the French «Fierabras», we might be inclined to think that poem to be the original of the «Sowdan». Thus Charlemagne’s prayer and the name of Bishop Turpin, which are omitted in the Ashm. MS., occur in the French «Fierabras». But there are several differences between the «Sowdan» and the French poem. In the «Fierabras», l. 1933, the French prisoners, on being brought before the Soudan, do not avow their true names as they do in the «Sowdan», l. 1498. In the French poem, l. 704, Oliver tells his adversary his name before the fight begins; in the «Sowdan», l. 1249, he does not confess his true name until they had fought for a considerable time. In the «Fierabras», l. 1043, Oliver drinks of the bottles of balm, which is not mentioned in the «Sowdan», l. 1190. Again, «Fierabras», ll. 1329 ss., where Ferumbras having disarmed Oliver, tells him to take his sword back again, does not agree with ll. 1279–82 of the «Sowdan». Instead of Floripas («S» 1515), «Brulans» advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners in «F» 1949. The French knight slain at the sally of the captives is called «Bryer» in «S» 2604, but «Basin» in «F» 3313. [p-xxx] Concerning the sacred relics there is no mention made of the «cross» («S» 3236) in the French poem, and the «signe», «i. e.» ‘the shroud or winding-sheet of the Lord’[62] («F» 6094), is omitted in the «Sowdan». Besides these variations of the two versions there is an incident of Marsedag being killed by Guy, and buried by the Saracens («S» 2247–2274), which being omitted in the «Fierabras» proves that the author of the «Sowdan» cannot have followed the French poem, or at least not that version which is edited by MM. Krœber and Servois. Similarly there is no mention made in the French «Fierabras» of Bryer being charged to take care of the relics and of Charles’s treasure («S» 3204). The game of blowing burning coals is related in «Sowdan», l. 1996 ss., with several details which are wanting in the French poem, l. 2907. The names also do not always agree in both versions. Thus we find «Generyse», «S» 1139, for «Garin», «F» 438; «Mapyn», «S» 2325, for «Maubrun», «F» 3046; «Alagolofur», «S» 2135, for «Agolafre», «F» 4290 or «Golafre», «F» 4267, 4383; «Bryer», «S» 2604, for «Basin», «F» 3313; «Maragounde», «S» 1563, for «Marabunde», «F» 2196; «Boloyne», «S» 3238, for «St. Denis», «F» 6199; «Barokke», «S» 2939, and «Espiard», «S» 2145, are not mentioned at all in the French «Fierabras», nor does« Belmore», «S» 3122, occur in the «Fierabras», either in the corresponding passage, «F» 5867, or elsewhere. On the fact that the names of the twelve peers (see above, p. xxvii) differ in the «Sowdan» from those mentioned in the «Fierabras», too much stress need not, I think, be laid, as it might be explained by the simple inadvertence of the composer. The poet in freely reproducing his source, which he generally followed pretty closely as far as relates the course of events, well remembered the names of the principal French knights; but having forgotten those of less important characters, some of whom do not appear again in the poem, and being obliged to fill up their number of twelve, might have placed any names which he remembered having met with somewhere [p-xxxi] as included in the list of the douzeperes. By an oversight he omitted to mention Richard, whom however we see appear afterwards.[63] Similarly the names of «Laban» and «Ferumbras» for «Balan» and «Fierabras» afford no convincing proof of the impossibility of the French «Fierabras» being the original of the second part of the «Sowdan», as the poet, having found those spellings in the «Destruction», the source of the first portion of his romance, might simply have retained them for the whole poem. But reviewing all the facts of the case, and taking into account those passages which relate incidents omitted in the «Fierabras», and which the author of the «Sowdan» therefore cannot have taken from that poem—and further taking into account the several differences between the two versions, which, it may be admitted, generally speaking, are only slight ones—the French «Fierabras», «i. e.» the version edited by MM. Krœber and Servois, which represents the group «w» (see before, p. xix, footnote), cannot have been the original of the second part of the «Sowdan». Proceeding now to a comparison of the «Sowdan» with the Escorial MS.,[64] we have not found any passage where «S» differing from «F» agrees with «E», as «E» and «F» generally have in those places the same reading. Therefore the Escorial MS. cannot be regarded as the original of the «Sowdan». Unfortunately the fragment printed from the Hanover MS. is too short to allow of an exact comparison with that version. We only know[65] that some names, the spelling of which in the «Sowdan» differs from that in the other versions, have the same form in the Hanover MS. as in the «Sowdan». Thus we find the following names agreeing in both versions: «Lucafer», «Maragonde», «Maupyn». Only instead of «Laban» which is used in the «Sowdan», we read «Balan». In the fragment printed by Grœber,[66] we find the name of the Soudan’s son [p-xxxii] with the same spelling as in the «Destruction», «Fier»en«bras», which is nearer to «Fer»um«bras» than «Fier»a«bras».[67] This resemblance of the names contained in the two versions might lead us to believe the Hanover MS. of «Fierabras» to be the original of the second part of the «Sowdan», just as the «Destruction», found in the same MS., is the original of the first part. But as, according to Gaston Paris, the Hanoverian version “is the same as the printed text, differing only in slight variations of readings,”[68] we may suppose it likely that in all passages where the «Sowdan» differs from the printed «Fierabras», it also differs from the Hanover MS. Nevertheless, as the differences between the «Sowdan» and the printed «Fierabras» are, on the whole, not very significant; for the several instances of omission in the «Sowdan», being easily accounted for by the general plan of the poet, cannot be regarded as real variations; and as some names, the spelling of which differs in «S» and «F», are found to be identical in «S» and «H», we might, perhaps, be entitled to think the second part of the «Sowdan» to be founded on a MS. similar to the Hanover one. It still remains for us to compare the «Sowdan» with the Provençal version. In most cases where «S» differs from «F», it also differs from «P», therefore «S» cannot have taken those variations of readings from the Provençal poem. The account of the knights sent on a mission to Laban, in «S» 1663–1738, considerably differs from the corresponding passage in «P» 2211 ss. In «P» the scene of the whole poem is placed in Spain, there is no mention of the combat before Rome,[69] as in the first part of the «Sowdan». The game of blowing a coal, «S» 1996 ss., is not mentioned in the Provençal version. From these variations, taken at random out of a greater number, [p-xxxiii] it becomes evident that the Provençal poem has not been the original of the «Sowdan». If now we compare the «Sowdan» with Caxton’s version, which we know to be simply a translation of the French prose romance of «Fierabras»;[70] the few following instances of differences between «C» and «S» will show at once, that also that version from which the prose romance was copied or compiled[71] cannot have been the original of the «Sowdan». There are several variations in the names contained in the two versions. Thus we find «Ballant» in «C» for «Laban» in «S»; «Fyer»a«bras» in «C» for «Fe»rum«bras» in «S»; «Garin», «C» 55/3 = «Generyse», «S» 1135; «Amyotte», «C» 176/26 = «Barrokk», «S» 1135, &c. The game of blowing a coal is told with more details in «S» 1998, and somewhat differently from «C» 118/24; the incident of Laban’s seizing the image of Mahound and smashing it, which is related in «S» 2507, is omitted in «C», &c. Looking back now to our investigation concerning the original of the «Sowdan», we sum up what results from it, in the following «resumé»: Most probably the «Destruction de Rome» is the original of the first part of the «Sowdan». As to the second part, we are unable to identify it with any of the extant versions. The French «Fierabras», as edited by MM. Krœber and Servois, is not the original, but the differences between the two poems are not significant; apparently a version similar to the Hanover MS. may be thought to be the original. The «Sowdan» is no translation, but a free reproduction of its originals; the author of the «Sowdan» following his sources only as far as concerns the course of the principal events, but going his own independent way in arranging the subject-matter as well as in many minor points. The «Sowdan» differs from the poem of «Syr Ferumbras» in two principal points: (1) In being an original work, not in the conception, but in the treatment of the subject-matter, whereas the Ashmole «Ferumbras» is little more than a mere translation. [p-xxxiv] (2) In representing, in its first portion, the first part of the old «Balan» romance, whereas «Syr Ferumbras» contains only the second. But as that second part of the old «Balan» romance appears to be considerably modified and greatly amplified in the Ashmole «Ferumbras», so the first part of the «Sowdan» contains a likewise modified, but much shortened, narration of the first part of the old «Balan» poem, so that the «Sowdan» has arrived to become quite a different work from the original «Balan» or «Fierabras» romance, and that a reconstruction of the contents of that old poem would be impossible from the «Sowdan». LANGUAGE AND SUMMARY OF GRAMMATICAL FORMS. As regards the language of the «Sowdan», the first point is the dialect. Looking at the plurals of the present indicative in «-en» or «-n», we at once detect the Midland peculiarities of the poem. Thus we find, l. 1331, «gone» rhyming with «one», l. 1010, «goon» : «camalyon», l. 506, «gone» : «than», l. 1762, «lyven» : «gyfen», l. 1816, «byleven» : «even». The verbal forms of the singular present indicative and of the second person sing. preterite of weak verbs lead us to assign this poem to an East-Midland writer. The 2nd and 3rd person singular present indicative end in «-est», «-eth»; and the 2nd person sing. preterite of weak verbs exhibits the inflection «-est»: l. 1202, «goist» : «moost»; 1314, 1715, «knowest»; 1344, «trowest»; 1154, «blowest»; 1153, «saiest»; 2292, «forgetist»; 560, «doist»; 1193, «doistowe»;—1093, «goth» : «wroth», 1609 : «loth», 1620 : «doth»; 1728, «sleith» : «deth»; 561, «sholdest»; 1244, «shuldist»; 603, «madist»; 563, «hadist»; 2219, «askapedist», &c.—Twice we find the 2nd person preterite without «-est» («made», «wroght»); but see the note to l. 2. If, now, we examine the phonological and inflectional peculiarities of the «Sowdan», we find them thoroughly agreeing with those of other East-Midland works,[72] which still further confirms the supposition of the East-Midland origin of the poem. [p-xxxv] «I» or «y», the descendants of original «u» (which in Old English [Anglo-Saxon] had already become «y» or «i» in consequence of «i-» mutation or «umlaut»)—are found rhyming with original «i»:—ll. 449, 881, «kyn» : «him», 2060 : «wynne»; 1657, «fille» : «stille»; 1973, «fire» : «desire», &c. It must, however, be noted that the rhyme «king» : «inne» (l. 372) or «king» : «thing» (ll. 173, 236) cannot be regarded as an East-Midland peculiarity, because «king», «drihten», «chikken», the «i» of which is a modification of original «u», are to be met with in all Middle-English dialects, as has been shown by Professor Zupitza in the «Anzeiger für deutsches Altertum», vol. vi. p. 6. Old English short «a», which is liable to change into «o», appears in this poem— (1) always as «o», before «n-» combinations («nd», «nt», «ng»):—531, «stronge» : «istonge»; 3166, «bronte» : «fonte»; 214, «amonge» : «longe», &c. (2) as «a», before the single consonants «m» and «n»:—1120, «name» : «shame», 935 : «same», 1739 : «grame»; 785, 1773, «man» : «Lavan»; 3125, «came» : «Lavan» (cf. 2579, «Lavan» : «tane»); 2160, «came» : «dame», &c.—The fact that «com» (ll. 547, 1395, 3095, &c.) is used as well as «cam» as sing. preterite indic. need occasion no difficulty if we remember that the original short «a» (or «o») of «cam» (or «com») had already been lengthened into «ô» in the O.E. period.[73] «Came» and «come» as pret. sing. are employed indifferently in «Chaucer» as well as in the «Celestin» (ed. Horstmann, «Anglia», i. 56), which is known to have been composed in the East-Midland dialect. «O» long, from O.E. «â», in our poem has that broad sound which is peculiar to the East-Midland dialect. We find it rhyming with— (1) original «ô»:—1025, «wrothe» : «sothe»; 801, «goo» : «doo»; 60, «inowe» : «blowe»; 325, «so» : «ido», &c. (2) unchangeable «a»:—257, «Aufricanes» : «stoones»; 506, «gon» : «than»; 2049, «agoon» : «Lavan», &c. As many East-Midland works[74] the «Sowdan» has three forms for O.E. þâr:—«thare», «thore», «there», all of which are established by the rhyme:—1805, «thore» : «Egremoure» (cf. 2895, «Egremoure» : «tresoure», 1003, «Agremore» : «more»); 126, «thore» : «lore»; 430, «thare» : «sware»; [p-xxxvi] 2245, «there» : «chere», 2404 : «bere»; 2604, «there» : «were» (w[^æ]ron), 208 : «were» (werian), &c. We likewise find «sore» and «sare»[75] (O.E. sâre):—1196, «sore» : «more»; 166, «sare» : «care»; 1377, «sore» : «thore». The O.E. diphthongs «ea» and «eo» and the O.E. «ŷ» (mutated from «êa» or «êo») appear as «e» in this poem:—1595, «me» : «see», 632 : «fee», 1339 : «free», 405 : «be»; 1535, «depe» : «slepe»; 1011, 1523, «dere» : «here»; 963, «yere» : «vere», 1257 : «Olyvere»; 996, «nere» : «were»; 596, 1528, «nede» : «spede»; 1702, «eke» : «speke»; 1726, «leke» : «speke»; 184, 215, 1208, «shelde» : «felde»; 2530, «hevene» : «elevene», &c. A brief summary of the grammatical inflexions employed in the poem will also give evidence of a great similarity with the forms used by other East-Midland writers, and will serve to show that the language of the «Sowdan» agrees closely with that of «Chaucer». In the declension of substantives the only remnant of case-formation by means of inflexions is the ending used to form the Genitive Singular and the Plural. The genitive singular of nouns ends in «es» (sometimes written «-is» or «ys») for all genders:—356, «develes»; 1209, «stedes»; 849, «worldis»; 1804, «worldes»; 3035, «dammes»; 1641, «nedes»; 1770, «shippes»; 1072, «faderis». Substantives ending in «-s» in the nominative case, remain unchanged in the genitive case:—1214, 1287, «Ferumbras»; 2006, «Naymes»; 3207, «Charles»; 1639, 1350, «Floripas».—«Florip», l. 614, is the genitive case of «Floripe» or «Florip», l. 2027, 1571. The nominative plural of all genders is formed by «-es» («-is», «-ys») or «-s»:—919, «knightes», 1947, 2276, «knightis»; 1384, «horses», 1401, «horsys»; 429, 2054, «gatis»; 192, «wordes»; 837, «swerdes»; 174, «hedes»; 2289, «ladies»; 3271, «soules»; 26, «bokes»; 606, «peres»; 297, «tours», &c. Examples of a plural case without «s» are seen in «thinge», l. 2, 1709:—O.E. «þing»; «honde», 987, O.E. «handa», as well as «hondes», 1412, 2568; «frende», 3212, O.E. «frŷnd», as well as «frendes», 1011, O.E. «frêondas». Other plurals which are equally easily explained by their O.E. forms are:—«eyen», 825, O.E. «êagan»; «shoone», 1381, O.E. «scêon»; «fete», 1403, O.E. «fêt», «fote», 1427, O.E. «fôtum», 2673, O.E. «fôta». [p-xxxvii] To mark the difference between the definite and indefinite forms of adjectives is a difficult task; as the final «-e» had in most cases already become silent in the poet’s dialect, it seems probable that he no longer observed the distinction. The pronouns are the same as in «Chaucer» and in other East-Midland poems:—«I», «me», «thou», «the»; «he», «hym»; «sche», «her» and «hir»; «it» and «hit» (cf. note to l. 41); «we», «us»; «ye», «you». The plural of the personal pronoun of the 3rd person is «thai» and «he» (cf. note to l. 2698) for the nominative case; «hem», and in some doubtful passages (see note to l. 88) «thaym» for the accusative case. As in «Chaucer», the pronoun of the 2nd person is often joined to the verb:—«hastow» 1680, «maistow» 1826, «shaltow» 1669, «woltow» 1727, «wiltow» 1151, «artow» 1967, «kanstow» 2335, &c. Possessive pronouns:—«myn» and «thyn» are used before vowels and before «h»; «my», «thy» before consonants. Only once, l. 90, «my» is placed before a vowel. «His», «hire» and «here»; «our», «your»; «here» and (twice, 623, 1244) «thair». The demonstrative pronouns are «this», «these» or «thes»; «that». The definite article «the» or «þe», is used for all cases singular and plural. But we find besides, the following examples of inflexion:—«tho», 2063, O.E. «þâ», and the accusative sing. «þon», 108. In l. 2052, «tho» means ‘them, those’ = Lat. eos. «Tha», l. 2639, seems to be a mistake of the scribe, it is perhaps miswritten for «þat» (day), cf. l. 619. «Men», 115, 1351, and «me», 287, are used as indefinite pronouns. «Everyche», «every», «everychone» occur frequently. Note also «ichoon» 2774, «ilka» 2016; «thilke» 2644, «eche» 1865. «That» or «þat», «who», «whome» are used as relative pronouns. The interrogative pronouns are «who» and «what». «Verbs.» The plural imperative ends in «-eth» or «-th», which, however, we find frequently omitted, as in l. 194, «prove you», 2078 «proveth»; 2131 «sende», 167 «sendith»; «telle» 1977, «tellyth» 1625, &c. The «-n» of the infinitive mood is often dropped, as in «Chaucer»:—274, 1588, «sene» : «bene»; 1124, «see» : «tre»; 658 : «cite»; 600, «be» : «cite»; 1225 : «contre»; 1411, «flee» : «cite»; 3065, «fleen» : «men»; 1282, «sloo» : «mo»; 792, «sloone» : «one», &c. The final -(«e»)«n» of past participles of strong verbs is in most cases [p-xxxviii] dropped, as in «Chaucer»:—3176 «forlorne»: «borne», 32 «born», 3011 «wonne», 21 «wonnen», 2756 «comen» : «nomen», 155 «come», 2476 «holpe», 1362 «bygote», 1026 «blowe», &c. Weak verbs form their past participles in «-ed», «-d», «-et», «-t», much as in «Chaucer»:—«lerned» 3042, «eyde» 1648, «toolde» 670, «bogt» 111, «delte» 526, «displaied» 133. The prefix «i-» or «y-» occurs sometimes, «icome» 784, «come» 155, «istonge» 533, «itake» 49, «taken» 1430, &c. The present participles end in «-inge» and «ande», as is often the case in East-Midland works:—2831 «prikande» : «comande», 435 «cryande», 924 «makande», 3225 «mornynge» : «kynge», 2399 «slepynge» : «honde», where evidently «slepande» is the true reading. As in «Chaucer» the 2nd person preterite of strong verbs is sometimes formed by «-est» or «-ist», «letist» 2167; but we find also regular forms, as in «slough» 1259, where, however, the O.E. «e» («slôge») is already dropped. The «-en» or «-n» of the preterite plural and of past participles is commonly dropped, «ronnen» 3007, «ronne» 2959, «took» 477, «tokene» 2621, «slough» 78, «sloughen» 401, «ido» 327: «so», &c. The «-d» in the past participles and in the preterite of weak verbs is sometimes omitted, as often happens in East-Midland works. Thus we find «comforte» 2242 and «comforted» 312, «commaunde» 57 and «commaunded» 228, «graunte» 607, «liste» 1132, «list» 1966, «discumfite» 1464, &c. On the same analogy we find «light» 1125, 1189, and «lighted» 3109, «worth» 1203, and «worthed» 1163. As regards the final «-e»’s, it may be remarked that the scribe has added many final «-e»’s, where the rules would not lead us to suspect them, and has often given a final «-e» to words which in other passages of the poem, although similarly used, have no «e»:—«note» 245, 274, «not» 255, 313; «howe» 19, «how» 275; «undere» 61, «under» 713; «bute» 247, «but» 8; «cooste» 202, «coost» 3062; «crafte» 424, «craft» 2335; «ashamede» 1295, «ashamed» 558, &c. This is due either to carelessness on the part of the scribe, or perhaps to the fact that in the speech of the copyist the final «e»’s had already become altogether silent, so that finding many words ending in «-e» and not knowing its meaning, he considered it as a mere [p-xxxix] “ornament in writing” (Ellis, «Pronunciation», i. 338), and sometimes added, sometimes omitted it. With respect to the composer of the «Sowdan» himself, there may be some doubt left whether in his speech the final «e» had become altogether silent, or was still pronounced occasionally. From the following instances it may be concluded with certainty that the poet very frequently did not sound the final «e»:—757 «boghtẹ» : «noght», 3154 «hat» : «fat», 961 «wrongẹ» : «distruccion», 556 «onlacẹ» : «was»; cf. also 1383, 1611, 2163; 2795 «spékẹ we of Ríchard», 2999 «fought», 2093, 859 «bringẹ», 9, 2547 «keptẹ», 834 «wentẹ», 142 «comẹ», 713 «wodẹ». In other cases there is no certainty whether the final «e» is quite silent or must be slightly pronounced or slurred over, so as to form trisyllabic measures. It must be noted, however, that in supposing trisyllable measures in all these doubtful cases, the number of this kind of measure will increase to a great amount in the «Sowdan». Therefore I rather incline to think the final «e» silent also in the following instances:—2090 «défendẹ this place», 1201 «brékẹ both báke», 861 «cómẹ from ál», 2119 «askẹ consaile», 1597 «wólẹ these traítours», 1783 «whéns comẹ yé», 2317 «pássẹ that brígge», 1100 «rónnẹ bytwéne», 2997 «fóught so lónge», 175 «brokẹ nothinge», 1658 «béddẹ with ríght», 713 «grénẹ wodẹ síde», 571 «hómẹ to Rómẹ that nýght», 1610 «the fáls jailoúr feddẹ yoúr prisonére», 2152 «fáls traitóurs of Fránce», 921 «chárged the yónge with ál», 380 «aboútẹ midnýghte», 726 «sóne to hím», 160 «únneth not óne» [Chaucer still pronounces «unnethë»]. Nevertheless there seems to be some instances where the final «e» is to be sounded, as in ll. 298, 2790, 1332, 1619, 2740, 592, 2166, 2463, 1405, 2386, 895, 332, 91. Final «en» also seems sometimes not to constitute a separate syllable:—1365 «waítẹṇ uppon mé», 459 «brékẹṇ our wállis», 45 «slépẹṇ with ópyne ýȝe», 485 «cómẹṇ by the cóst», 2313 «dídẹṇ it aboút», &c. In all these cases «n» had very probably already fallen off in the speech of the poet, as the following examples lead us to suppose:—178 «wynne»: «him», 1582 «dye»: «biwry», 2309 «shewe» : «trewe», 2107 «slépe to lónge», 861 «cóme from ál», &c. As regards the final «es» of nouns, the poet seems to have observed the same rules as those followed by Chaucer; viz. «es» is sounded when [p-xl] joined to monosyllabic stems; it does not increase the number of syllables (and therefore is often spelt-«s» instead of-«es»), when the stem has two or more syllables:—197, 277 «goddës», 665 «nailës», 445 «tentës», 2068 «tentïs», 174, 1799 «hedës», 2032, 2868 «swerdës», 2327 «wallës», 1209 «stedës», 1770 «shippës», 2702 «somers», 2687, 2591 «felowes», 2660 «felows», 2412 «maydyns», 647, 1597 «traytours», 2036 «orders», 45 «lovers», 2612, 3098 «develes», 1072 «faderis», 203, 862 «sowdons», 881 «sarsyns». The final «es» of adverbs seems no longer to constitute a separate syllable:—2213 «hónged’ els bý», 2786 «éls had’ hé», 2109 «éllis I may sínge», 1525 «élles wol’ hé», 2061 «théns», 1783 «whens». METRE AND VERSIFICATION. The poem is composed in four-line stanzas. The arrangement of the rhyme is such that the 1st and 3rd lines rhyme together, and the 2nd and 4th together, which gives the following rhyme-formula: «a b a b». The rhyme-endings employed in one stanza do not occur again in the next following. But it must be noticed that there seem to occur some instances of eight-line stanzas, one of which, beginning at l. 1587, is built on the model employed by «Chaucer». Others are arranged differently. Those beginning at ll. 1059 and 1219 show the rhyme-formula «a b a b a c a c», in that of l. 1411 the 2nd and 4th lines are rhymed together, and the 5th and 7th, whilst the 1st, 3rd, 6th, 8th, all end with the same rhyme. The formula for the stanzas beginning at ll. 807, 879, 1611 is «a b a b c b c b». In the stanza of l. 939 all the pair lines are rhymed together, and the odd ones also, which is the only instance in the poem of eight consecutive lines having only two rhyme-endings, as generally eight lines show four different rhyme-endings, and three only in the passages cited above. But the whole stanza of l. 939 seems not to be due to the author; he has very probably borrowed it from some other poem.[76] Turning now our attention to the fact that the lines occurring between the Initials or Capital Letters, which are met with in some passages in the MS., are often divisible by eight, we might feel [p-xli] inclined to regard this as an additional reason for considering the stanza employed in the «Sowdan» as an eight-line one. Indeed, the portion from the Initial of l. 1679 to the next one of l. 1689 might be taken for one single stanza. The 24 lines from l. 575 (beginning with an Initial) to the next Initial in l. 598 might equally be considered as three stanzas, whilst there are 5 times 8 lines = 5 eight-line stanzas from the Initial of l. 2755 to the next Initial in l. 2795. In all these instances the supposition of eight-line stanzas would suit the context, as is the case also with other passages. Thus in the following cases it might seem as though eight lines taken together were more closely connected and made better sense than four lines, «e. g.» ll. 583–598, 1703–1710, 1679–1686, 939–962, 1043–1050, 244 ss., 455 ss., 631 ss., 1059 ss. But, on the other hand, it must be borne in mind that there are also a great many cases where, as regards the sense, four lines can be considered as an independent whole, when, «e. g.», the speech spoken by a person is contained in four lines, and the words of another person replying to the first follow in the next four lines. Very often also these next four lines contain only a part of the second person’s reply, so that the remainder of his reply falls into the following stanza. This ‘enjambement’ or continuation of the sense, and sometimes of the syntactical construction from one stanza to another, need not, of course, prevent us from admitting the supposition of eight-line stanzas; as, upon the whole, it is met with in all poems composed in stanzas, and as it is frequently used in «Le Morte Arthur» (Harleian MS. 2252, ed. Furnivall), which is written in eight-line stanzas; but as there is no instance known of an eight-line stanza containing four different rhyme-endings, which at this supposition it would be the case with the «Sowdan», the eight-line stanzas containing either three rhyme-endings, as in «Chaucer», or two, as in «Le Morte Arthur», and as in some passages of the «Sowdan» (ll. 1691, 1695, 1699, 1711, 1715), we find Initials placed after four lines, I believe a stanza of four alternately rhyming lines to be the one intended by the composer—a metre which, according to Guest, «History of Eng. Rhythms», ii. 317—‘must have been well known and familiar during the fifteenth century.’ The few eight-line stanzas quoted above, may [p-xlii] then be owing either to the inadvertence of the poet, who somewhat carelessly employed one of the two rhyme-endings of one stanza a third and fourth time in the following one, or, perhaps also, he intentionally retained that rhyme-ending, and he inserted eight-line stanzas amongst those of four verses as a mere matter of variation. It is perhaps not impossible that the retention of this rhyme-ending was not greatly felt. As regards the rhymes themselves, they are both monosyllabic or masculine rhymes, and dissyllabic or feminine ones. Frequently they are used alternating with each other, as in the stanzas beginning with l. 2755. Sometimes we find four feminine rhymes occurring in an unbroken succession, as in ll. 1263–66. But it must be noticed that the number of masculine rhymes is predominant. Thus the stanzas beginning with ll. 3047, 3063, 3123, 1123, 791, 1035, 1271, 1275, 2019, 1311, 1351, 1463, &c., contain only masculine rhyme-endings. The rhymes are not always full and true; there occur many imperfect ones. (1) A word in the singular number is often rhymed with a word in the plural number, which therefore has an additional «s» (or «es»):—797, «thinge» : «tidyngys»; 2647, «fyght» : «knyghtes»; 2087, «light» : «knightes»; 1455, «cosynes» : «kinge»; 2272, «laye» : «dayes»; 2395, 885, «Ogere» : «peres»; 2456, «alle» : «walles»; 2682, «nede» : «stedes»; 944, «mone» : «stoones»; cf. also 2376, «wile» : «beguiled». In l. 68, «poundis» : «dromonde»; the rhyme becomes perfect in reading «pounde», as in l. 2336, instead of «poundis». (2) Single «n» is found rhyming with «n-» combinations. α. «n» : «nd»—cf. 814, «ychoon» : «Mahounde»; 912, «pavilone» : «Mahounde»; 1201, «crowne» : «Mahounde». The rhyme, 162, «Rome» : «houne», may be explained in the same manner, for «houne» stands for «hounde», as it is spelt in ll. 237, 2377, 935, 1756.[77] β. «n» : «ng»—cf. 2349, «Mapyne» : «endinge»; 86, «Apolyne» : «tithinge»; 370, «inne» : «kinge»; 1455, «cosynes» : «kinge»; 3249, «Genelyne» : «kinge»; 3171, «serpentyne» : «endinge»; 959, «distruccion» : «wronge». [p-xliii] In 614, «love» : «vowe», the second rhyme «vowe» does not contain the consonant «v». (3) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the consonants. «m» : «n»—cf. 76, «Rome» : «one»; 1672, 364 : «done»; 2443, 366, «come» : «done»; 747, «some» : «soudone»; 1323, «came» : «than»; 1488, «came» : «ranne»; 2128, «tyme» : «pyne»; 177, «him» : «wynne»; 2375, «him» : «tene»; 447, 859, «him» : «kyn»; 2004, «hyme» : «skyne»; 2353, «him» : «inne». «f» : «v»—cf. 341, «twelve» : «selve»; 415, «wife» : «alive»; 1762, «gyfene» : «lyvene»; 1912, «gife» : «lyve». But in all these cases the rhymes are really perfect, they seem only imperfect in consequence of the copyist writing indiscriminately «f» and «v». Thus the rhyme of l. 341 reappears in l. 1867, «self» : «twelf». In l. 2336 we find «ge»f«e», which is written «ge»v«e» in l. 198; «lefe», l. 764; «safe», l. 864, are spelt with «v» in ll. 1340, 1529, 2808. «l» : «n»—cf. l. 363, «consaile» : «slayne». Quite similar is l. 1251, «felde» : «sende». «p» : «k»—l. 820, «stoupe» : «stroke». A similar rhyme occurs in «Guy», l. 10903, «scapid» : «nakid». «d» : «t»—l. 2868, «gyrde» : «sterte»; 1151, «plete» : «dede». «d» : «p»—l. 283, «tyde» : «depe». But this rhyme is very probably owing to the scribe. For «depe» we ought to read «wide». A single consonant rhymes with a double consonant. The only certain instance occurs in l. 311, «tyde» : «chidde». For in ll. 312, 317, «dele» : «welle», we might read «wele», as this word is frequently spelt in the poem; cf. ll. 385, 2618, 1173, 1651, &c. For «dedde» in l. 2980 («rede» : «dedde») we may substitute «dede», which occurs in l. 2510. The rhyme «glad» : «hadde», 2687, becomes perfect if we read «gladde», which is the usual spelling of the word in the poem; cf. ll. 439, 570, 918, &c. Besides, I believe «hadde» to be monosyllabic. «Ferre» : «nere» l. 1575; in l. 117 we find «fere». The rhyme, l. 2654, «sloughe» : «drowe» can easily be restored in reading «slowe», which occurs frequently, as in ll. 2401, 2683, 304, 2208, &c. The rhyme «ane» : «shafe», 555, seems to be due to some clerical error. (4) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the vowels. «a» : «e»—2803, «gate» : «lete»; perhaps we are justified in reading «late», [p-xliv] cf. «Havelock», 328; l. 2752, «made» : «dede». The rhymes «thare» : «were», 1383; «bare» : «there», 671; «Agremare» : «there», 33, are really perfect ones, as we know the poet to have used «thare», «there», and «thore» indiscriminately; cf. ll. 208, 2604, 430, 1805, 1003; l. 1436, «ladde» : «nede»; 2365, «ladde» : «bedde», the author probably pronounced «ledde». For «lefte», l. 2335 : «craft», we may read «lafte», as is shown by l. 424, «lafte» : «crafte». In ll. 1781, 544, «tene» : «than», the rhyme will be improved by reading «then». «a» : «o» (cf. p. xxxv)—504, «thane» : «gone»; 1143, 1079, «Rolande» : «honde»; 133, «sowdone» : «Lavan» (where we might read «sowdan», as in l. 1491); 627, «sowdane» : «towne»; 2527, 1684, «Roulande» : «londe». «i»(«y») : «e». This rhyme also occurs in «Chaucer»; cf. Ellis, «Pron.» i. 272; see also «Guy», p. xiv.—l. 21419, «him» : «hem»; 1299, «dynte» : «lente»; 523, «strike» : «breke»; 1643, «mylde» : «shelde»; 1263, «togedere» : «thidere»; 1277, «wepenless» : «iwis»; 344, «shitte» : «mette»; 2538, «hende» : «wynde» (read «wende»), &c.; l. 82, «vilane» : «remedye» (read «vilanye», as in ll. 179, 2577); but 1015, «vilane» : «me», cf. «Guy», xi, ν—813, «sle» : «curtesye»; 895, «we» : «lye»; cf. Ellis, «Pron.», i. 271. The monophthong «y» is rhymed with a diphthong, the second part of which is «y»:—l. 441, «Sarsynes» : «Romaynes»; 2761, «Apolyne» : «agayne»; 2105 : «slayne»; 2175 : «eyne»; 2280, «dye» : «waye» (cf. 1582); 589, «fyne» : «Bourgoyne». «o»: «ou» («ow»).—l. 1023, «wrothe» : «southe» (which is written «sothe» in ll. 2014, 2024, 2246, 2719); 779, «fonde» : «grounde»; 260, «clarione» : «soune»; 879, «lione» : «crowne»; 2780, «malison» : «towne», &c. Cf. also 1264, «endured» : «covered». «o»: «e».—463, «oost» : «best». The rhyme is restored in reading «rest» instead of «oost». «o»: «i».—l. 966, «sonne» : «begynne». «ue»: «ewe».—l. 2312, «vertue» : «fewe». But this rhyme cannot be objected to, as “final French «u» (as in «due») was diphthongized into «eu» in Chaucerian English.”[78] Other irregularities are:—l. 112, «douȝte» : «rowte»; 1987, «use» : «house»; 1131, «thou» : «lough»; 1200, «moost» : «goist»; 1730, «dethe» : «sleith»; [p-xlv] 2136, «pas» : «grace»; 1611, «was» : «mace» (in which cases «e» is silent); 931, 1144, «peris» : «fiers». A line or verse generally contains four accented syllables, separated from each other by one or by two unaccented syllables, so that there are some instances of trisyllabic feet, as in ll. 817, 834, 2035, 2301, 2791, 3020, 3073, 2313, &c. In ll. 692, 695, two accented syllables are put close together without being separated by an unaccented one, which is altogether wanting. In some passages we find lines of three accented syllables alternating with those of four accents, as in ll. 575–582, 763–770, 839–846, 871–878, 2287–2290, &c. But in most cases lines with four accents follow each other in an unbroken succession, as in ll. 1–372, 995–1010, 1026–1029, 1067–1107, 1147–1154, 1731–1734, &c. A few instances of verses with more than four accented syllables are also to be met with in the «Sowdan». They are either due to the author and therefore intended, as in l. 37, where the poet almost literally imitates his original,[79] or they may be considered as due to some clerical error, in which case the metre generally can be restored by a slight emendation. A verse has generally an iambic effect, that is to say, the first foot begins with an unaccented syllable, which is followed by an accented one. Frequently, however, the first accented syllable is preceded by two unaccented ones, as in ll. 41, 75, 127, 151, 367, 849, 1060, 1815, 1819, 2289, 2758, &c. There are some instances of the first foot consisting of a single (accented) syllable only, the unaccented one being altogether wanting, as in ll. 2120, 2288, 2374, 2394, &c. DATE OF THE POEM AND NAME OF THE AUTHOR. George Ellis attributes the present poem to the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century. “I think,” he says in his «Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances», ed. Halliwell, p. 380, “it would not be difficult to prove from internal evidence, that the present translation[80] cannot be earlier than the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century.” [p-xlvi] Having seen from the summary of grammatical peculiarities that there is a great similarity between the language of Chaucer and that of the composer of this romance, we might be inclined to consider the latter as a contemporary of Chaucer. From some passages of the «Sowdan», which seem to contain allusions to Chaucerian poetry, we may conclude that the poet must have known the «Canterbury Tales». Thus ll. 42–46:— “Whan kynde corage begynneth to pryke, Whan ffrith and felde wexen gaye, And every wight desirith his like, Whan lovers slepen with opyn yȝe, As Nightingales on grene tre” . . . appear to be imitated from the «Prologue of the Canterbury Tales», ll. 10–12:— “And smale fowles maken melodie, That slepen al the night with open eye, So priketh hem nature in her corages.” Further on we remark in ll. 939–40:— “O thow, rede Marȝ Armypotente, That in the trende baye hase made þy trone.” some traces of resemblance with the «Knight’s Tale», ll. 1123–26:— “And downward on a hill under a bent, There stood the tempul of Marȝ armypotent, Wrought al of burned steel, of which thentre Was long and streyt, and gastly for to see,” which may still be compared with the first lines of the «Prologue of Queen Anelida and False Arcite»:— “Thou ferse God of armes, Mars the rede, That in thy frosty contre called Trace, Within thy grisly temples ful of drede, Honoured art as patroun of that place.”[81] Now the «Prologue of the Canterbury Tales» and the «Knight’s Tale», being written in couplets, or lines arranged in pairs, were certainly composed after 1385,[82] or rather after 1389.[83] From the treatment of [p-xlvii] the final «e»’s, which, contrary to Chaucer’s usage, seem to have been silent in a great number of cases in the poet’s speech, we may further conclude that the «Sowdan» must be somewhat later than the «Canterbury Tales». Therefore the poet of the «Sowdan» cannot have been merely a later contemporary of Chaucer; I rather think it to be more probable that he must have lived some time after him. This would bring us to the beginning of the fifteenth century as the date of the romance. As to the name and profession of the poet nothing is known, and we have no clue whatever from the poem. MS. OF THE SOWDAN. The present edition of the «Sowdan» is printed from the unique MS. of the late Sir Thomas Phillips, at Middle Hill, Worcestershire, which is now in the possession of the Rev. John E. A. Fenwick, Thurlestane House, Cheltenham. Sir Thomas Phillips purchased the MS. at Mr. Heber’s sale.[84] The oldest possessor’s name which we find noted, is on the reverse of the last leaf of the Manuscript, where is written, “This is John Eteyes (or Ebeye’s) boke, witnes by John Staff”—in a hand «circa temp.» Eliz. or Jac. I. By some notes made by former possessors on the first fly-leaf of the MS., and by the autograph names which we find there, we learn that Geo. Steevens bought the MS. “at Dr. Farmer’s Sale, Friday June 15, 1798, for 1: 10. 0.” On May 20th, 1800, it was “bought at the Sale of Geo. Stevens, for 3. 4. 6.” by “O. Grah^m Gilchrist.” A transcript of the MS. made by Geo. Stevens had been presented by him to Mr. Douce. This copy was re-transcribed by Geo. Ellis, who, in 1811, published some extracts with an analysis of the romance in the «Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances».[85] The same copy has been followed by Halliwell, who in his «Dictionary of Arch. and Prov. W.», has several quotations[86] from the present romance, which he styles as “«MS. Douce», 175.” [p-xlviii] The poem of the «Sowdan» was first printed by the Roxburghe Club in 1854.[87] The text of the present edition differs from that of the «editio princeps» in so far as punctuation is introduced, which is altogether disregarded by the MS. and the Roxburghe Club edition. In some passages words which have been written as one in the MS. are separated in the text; thus «a laye», l. 2694; «a ras», l. 645, are printed instead of «alaye», «aras». Sometimes also words written separately in the MS. are united by a hyphen, as «be-falle», 14; «i-wiss», 71; «i-sought», 725; «with-oute», 841; «a-bide», 818; «a-ferde», 1337, &c. These slight deviations from the MS., which are always indicated in the footnotes, seemed advisable on account of the great help they afford the reader in understanding the text. More important emendations and corrections of evident scribal blunders and other mistakes are given in the foot-notes, and will be found explained in the Notes. The Index of Names will be useful to those who wish to compare the «Sowdan» with any other version of the romance. The Glossarial Index contains besides the obsolete terms all those words the spelling or the signification of which essentially differs from that now accepted. Words which show only slight orthographical variations from their modern form have not been included, as the reader will have no difficulty in identifying them. * * * * * In conclusion I have the pleasant duty of acknowledging the invaluable assistance which Professor Zupitza at all times readily and freely gave me. My best thanks are also due to Mr. Furnivall and to Mr. Napier for their kind advice and suggestions, and to Mr. Herrtage for collating a transcript of the poem with the MS. EMIL HAUSKNECHT. «Berlin», «January», 1881. FOOTNOTES: [1] «Histoire Poét.», p. 133–4. [2] Gautier, «Epopées», ii. 308. [3] Cf. the French «Fierabras», l. 84; «Sir Ferumbras», l. 102; «Sowdone», l. 1067. [4] Thus in «Scarron», Gigant, iii. [5] Pantagruel, ii. chap. 1. [6] See the most interesting account of this piece and its curious manner of representation in «Histoire Littéraire de la France», xvii. 720–21. [7] Gautier, «Epopées», ii. p. 308; and «Histoire Poétique», p. 99. [8] See «Huon de Bourdeaux», edd. Guessard and Grandmaison, p. xxxviii. [9] See G. Nottebohm, «Thematisches Verzeichniss der im Druck erschienenen Werke von Franz Schubert». Wien, 1874.—Op. 76. [10] Cf. besides, «Histoire Poétique», pp. 97, 143, 155, 214, 251; «Epopées françaises», ii. pp. 307–9; and the «Préface» of the French edition of «Fierabras». [11] See also Mone, «Uebersicht der niederländischen Volksliteratur älterer Zeit». Tübingen, 1836. p. 56. [12] Cf. Warton, «Hist. of Eng. Poetry», 1824, vol. i. pp. 147–8. [13] It is worthy of notice that the account of the Fierabras romance as given by Barbour, may be considered, on the whole, as identical with the subject of the French «Fierabras» or the English «Syr Ferumbras», but not with the «Sowdan», as there is no mention made of the combat before Rome, nor any trace of what makes up the first part of the «Sowdan». But the spelling «Lawyn» for «Balan» agrees with the spelling of the same name in the «Sowdan». As to the relics mentioned in the passage above, they differ from all other versions. [14] In the Sowdan the Bridgeward is called «Alagolofre»; cf. Index of Names. [15] This MS. consisting of 71 parchment leaves in 4to, with coloured initials at the beginning of each rhyme-strophe, had formerly been in the possession “Majoris Monasterii congregationis Sancti Mauri,” at Paris. Having passed through many hands during the French Revolution, it finally came to the Library of Wallerstein. [16] Der Roman von Ferabras, provenzalisch. Berlin, 1829. [17] British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi. [18] Cf. also the «Préface» of the French «Fierabras», p. iv. [19] See «Leben und Werke der Troubadours», by Friedrich Diez, Zwickau, 1829, p. 613 note, and Berliner «Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Kritik», 1831. [20] In a footnote to his «Histoire de la Poésie scandinave», p. 183, where he says:—“Le roman de Ferabras, publié à Berlin par M. Bekker, est . . . évidemment traduit du français, et en a conservé trop de formes et d’expressions pour avoir la moindre valeur grammaticale.” [21] «Fierabras chanson de geste», edd. Krœber and Servois, in the collection of the «Anciens Poètes de la France». [22] For a more detailed analysis, see «Histoire Poét.», p. 251, and cf. the account given of the old «Fierabras» or «Balan» romance by Philippe Mousket, ed. Reiffenberg, Bruxelles, vol. I. v. ll. 4664–4716, which runs as follows:— 4664 Puis fu Roume par force prise et la gent destruite et ocise et li apostoile ocis Castiaus-Mireors ars et pris 4668 et toute la cité bruie. li dus Garins et sa mesnie entrerent en Castiel-Croisant, quar Sarrasin, Turc et Persant 4672 amenerent trop grant compagne et devers Surie et d’Espagne; si furent crestien dolant, et manderent tot maintenant 4676 soucours al bon roi Charlemainne ki sa fieste en France demainne, et li rois en cele besogne lor tramist Guion de Bourgogne, 4680 ki nouviaus chevaliers estoit et des jovenes enfans avoit devant çou la couronne prise. et soucoururent sans faintise 4684 lor bon roi en la tiere estrange u il n’orent ni lin ni lange. en France estoient revenu et soujourné et bien péu, 4688 mais à cel soucours le tramist li rois, ki moult s’entremist,— et si tramist de Normendie Ricart à la ciere hardie, 4692 si reprirent li Mireour: et dus Garins vint à l’estour, ki tint Pavie en quité s’ot bien Castil-Croisant gardé, 4696 et Karles ot sa gent mandée, si vinrent de mainte contrée, quar il lor faisoit tant de biens, qu ’à ses amis ne faloit riens. 4700 si trest vers Rome li bons rois et fist as paiens moult d’anois. dont se combati Oliviers a Fierabras ki tant fu fiers; 4704 d’armes l’outra, si reconquist les .ii. barius qu’à Rome prist, si les gieta enmi le Toivre por çou que plus n’en péust boivre; 4708 quar c’est bausmes ki fu remés dont Ihesu Cris fu embausmés. puis furent mort tot li paien et mis en Roume crestiien, 4712 si ot autre apostoile fait et Karles s’en revint à hait, si gratia Dieu et St. Piere, que recouvrée ot sa kaiere, 4716 soujourner vint dont à Parise . . . [23] «Romania», ii. 1873, pp. 1–48. [24] Cf. «Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur», edd. Lemcke, vol. xiii. p. 111. [25] Printed in «Verhandlungen der 28sten Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmänner in Leipzig». Leipzig, 1873, p. 209 «et seq.» [26] Corresponding to ll. 1410 «et seq.» of the Ashmole «Ferumbras». [27] Cf. «Sir Ferumbras», ll. 8192–3. [28] Cf. also l. 2784 and «Sir Ferumbras», ll. 1860 and 2059. [29] See above, p. xi, footnote, and «Histoire Poétique», p. 251. [30] Cf. Grœber, «Verhandlungen», pp. 217–18. [31] The following differences between the «Destruction» and the narration of Philippe Mousket are worthy of note:— (i) the combat around Château-Miroir is described in a different manner in the two poems. (ii) the scene of action, which at the end of the «Destruction» is transferred to Spain, remains, according to Philippe Mousket, in the neighbourhood of Rome for the whole time. (iii) Guy of Burgundy and Richard of Normandy play a most important active part before Rome, according to Ph. Mousket, whereas in the «Destruction» this is not the case. Now, as to the last two items, they must have been in the original such as they are related by Ph. Mousket. For only thus some obscure passages of «Fierabras», of which even the «Destruction» affords no explanation, are cleared up. Thus, «Fierabras», l. 1049, “Près fu du far de Rome, ses a dedens jetés”— which is in contradiction to the «Destruction», is explained by ll. 4705–6 of Mousket’s account (see above). Only Mousket relates that Floripas has seen Guy before Rome («Fierabras», l. 2240; Ashmole «Ferumbras», l. 1413), and that Richard took part at the combat there. Therefore the account as given by Ph. Mousket, agreeing with what must have been the contents of the old original, is based on a version older than the «Destruction», which exhibits significant differences. These differences between Mousket and the «Destruction», as well as the fact that several references to preceding events contained in «Fierabras» remain unexplained by the «Destruction», were some of the reasons which led me in my «Dissertation», pp. 41–49, to consider the «Destruction» as a poem written by another author than that of the «Fierabras». In order to clear up the allusions to preceding events contained in the «Fierabras», the very beginning of which necessarily requires some explanatory account—a circumstance which also gave rise to the ‘episode’ of the Provençal version—the «Destruction» was composed as a kind of Introduction to the «Fierabras», whereby it happened that some allusions remained unexplained. [32] For a description of this magnificent MS., see «Sir Ferumbras», p. vi, footnote. [33] Cf. Warton, «Hist. of Eng. Poetry», ii. 197–8. [34] Edited for the E. E. T. S. in 1879, by S. J. Herrtage, B.A. [35] Cf. Gautier, «Epopées Françaises», i. 221.—“Rien n’est plus fréquent, dans la Chanson de Roland et dans nos poèmes les plus anciens, que la répétition double, triple et même quelquefois quadruple, de certains couplets. Cette répétition n’a pas lieu dans les mêmes termes, ni surtout avec les mêmes rimes. Tout au contraire, la même idée est reproduite en vers différents, munis d’assonances ou de rimes différentes.” [36] The variations of this MS. are printed in the «Jahrbuch der roman. and engl. Sprachen», vol. ix. pp. 43 ss. [37] This edition, although printed from the MS. «a», may be said to represent a group («w») of four MSS., called «a» «b» «c» «d» (see above xv). Another group («z») is formed by the MSS. «E» and «D». Both groups belong to the same type «y». Cf. Grœber, «Die handschriftlichen Gestaltungen der chanson de geste Fierabras», Leipzig, 1869, p. 27, where we find the following stemma: «y» ╱╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ «z» ╲ ╱╲ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╲ «E» «D» «w» ╱╱╲╲ ╱╱ ╲╲ ╱╱ ╲╲ «d»«a» «b»«c» [38] «Epopées Françaises», ii. 307, and «Cat. rais. des livr. de la bibl. d’Ambr. F. Didot», I, 361. [39] Grœber, «Handschriftl. Gestaltungen», p. 6. [40] «Jahrbuch», xiii. p. 111, and «Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie», iv. p. 164. [41] “Die Vergleichung weniger aus allen Hss. bekannten Versen macht gewiss, dass «H» mit «D» und «E» aus der nämlichen Quelle «z» geflossen ist.” «Jahrbuch», xiii. 113. [42] «Handschriftl. Gestalt.», p. 10. [43] See the note to l. 5763 of «Sir Ferumbras», and cf. «Fierabras», 5955. [44] The number of instances where «A» varies from «C’s» version might easily be increased. Thus we find «A» 340 differing from «C» 52/111 and from «F» 357; «A» 814 differing from «C» 79/3 and from «F» 1548; «A» 1616 differing from «C» 102/10 and from «F» 2424; «A» 1238 differing from «C» 92/5 and from «F» 2083; «A» 4652 differing from «C» 171/26 and from «F» 4900, &c. [45] «Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances», ed. Halliwell, p. 379 «et seq.» [46] «Histoire Poétique», p. 251; cf. also «Revue critique d’Histoire et de Littérature», ii. 1869, p. 121 «et seq.» [47] Cf. Mr. Shelley’s Paper in Warton, «Hist. of Eng. Poetry», ii. 197–8. [48] pp. 17 «et seq.» [49] «Dissertation», p. 18. [50] «Introduction to Sir Ferumbras», p. xiv. [51] The French text will be found in the «Notes», which see. [52] For these names, the «Index of Names» may be referred to. [53] In some passages the «Destruction» shows also the spelling «Balan», but «Laban» is more common. [54] See note to l. 1000. [55] See note to l. 2842. [56] «Dissertation», p. 20. [57] See note to l. 1663. [58] Cf. note to l. 1723. [59] Mr. Herrtage, in his note to the Ashmol. MS., l. 259, reproduces—from the Roxburghe Club edition, «Introd.» p. vi.—the list of the twelve peers in the French version of the Grenville copy, 10531, which he erroneously takes for that of the «Sowdan». [60] But there is one “Alorys þe erld of Brye,” mentioned in the Ashm. MS., ll. 935, 2842, 4076, &c. [61] There is one «Templer» mentioned in the Ashm. MS., l. 2673. But he is not identical with «Tamper» of the «Sowdan», ll. 2641, 2667. [62] Greek σινδων. Cf. «Dissertation», pp. 45–46. [63] See note to l. 2535. [64] There being only a small fragment printed of the Didot MS. («Epopées Fr.» ii. 307), a comparison of the «Sowdan» with this version is impossible at present. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same group as «E», what results from a comparison of «S» with «E» may be assumed for the Didot MS. [65] See «Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie», iv. pp. 164, 170. [66] «Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur», xiii. p. 111. [67] This example is not very striking, as the spelling «Ferumbras» may simply have been retained from the first part of the poem; see above, p. xxxi. [68] «Syr Ferumbras», «Introduction», p. xiv, footnote. [69] See «Handschriftliche Gestaltungen», p. 14, and «Dissert.», p. 29. [70] «Histoire Poétique», p. 157. [71] And to which only a few very insignificant additions were made by the author; see «Hist. Poét.», p. 99, bottom. [72] See Morris’s Preface to «Genesis and Exodus», Skeat’s Introduction to «Havelock the Dane», and Mall’s edition of «Harrowing of Hell» (Breslau, 1871). [73] See Sweet, «Anglia», iii. 152. [74] Cf. Mall, «Harrowing of Hell», p. 18. [75] Cf. Schipper, «Alexiuslegenden», 98/121. [76] See note to l. 939. [77] “This elision of a final «d» in such words as «hond», «lond», «sheld», «held», &c., is by no means uncommon in ancient poetry, and arises simply from pronunciation.”—Morris, «Specimens of Early English», 320/261. [78] Cf. Mr. Nicol’s «Paper in the Academy» of June 23, 1877, vol. xi. p. 564, col. 1, and «Seventh Annual Address of the President to the Philol. Soc.», p. 2. [79] See the note. [80] Although l. 25 says that the story of the «Sowdan» “is written in Romance,” this cannot induce us to consider our poem as a mere translation. It is, on the contrary, a free reproduction of a French original. [81] Cf. also Lindsay’s «History of Squyer Meldrum», l. 390: “Like Mars the God Armypotent.” [82] Cf. «Prioress’s Tale», ed. Skeat (Clarendon Press Series), p. xx; and Furnivall’s «Trial Forewords», p. 111. [83] Cf. «Chaucer», ed. Morris, i. 205, footnote. [84] «Bibliotheca Heberiana», Part xi. p. 162. MSS. Lot 1533. [85] Ed. Halliwell, p. 379 «et seq.» [86] For instances, see the following words:—«Atame», «alayned», «ameved», «assorte», «avente», «forcer», &c. [87] London. Printed by William Nicol, Shakspere Press, MDCCCLIV. [p-xlix] ADDITIONS. Since the «Introduction» was written, I have had an opportunity of seeing the Hanover MS. of the French «Fierabras». The kind offices of Professor Koner exerted on my behalf secured me the consent of the Administration of the Royal Hanoverian Library to have the MS. sent to Berlin, and their most generous permission to consult it freely in the Reading Room of the University Library. Having now compared the «Sowdan» more closely with the Hanover MS., I must state that the final result arrived at in my investigation concerning the original of the «Sowdan» (cf. p. xxxii) is in no way altered. As already stated above (p. xxxii), and as the subsequent examination and the passages of «H» quoted below will serve to confirm, the Hanover version is, generally speaking, the same as the printed version of the «Fierabras», differing only in slight variations of readings. The names in which «S» differs from «F», but agrees with «H», are already spoken of on p. xxxi. But there are several others in the spelling of which «H» agrees with «F», but differs from «S». Thus we find «Balans» or «Balant» in «H» for «Laban» in «S»; «Guarin», «H», leaf 80, back, «F» 438 = «Generyse», «S» 1135; «Agolafres», «H», leaf 81 = «Alagolofer», «S» 2135; «Amiotte», «H» leaf 83, back = «Barrokk», «S» 2939, etc. As to the subject-matter, there are no instances where «S», differing from «F», agrees with «H». In all points in which «S» differs from «F» we find it also differing from «H». Thus the game of blowing a burning coal, in the description of [p-l] which «S» slightly differs from «F», is related in «H» with nearly the same words as in «F». As, besides the small fragment printed by Grœber in the «Jahrbuch», xiii, and some few remarks in the «Zeitschrift für rom. Phil.», nothing is known of the Hanover MS., the following passages printed here may serve to show how little «H» differs from «F». The game of the coal («S» 1996–2016, «F» 2907–2934) is thus described in «H», leaf 58:— “Veillard, dist Lucafer, vo«us» ni savez juer, Vo«us» ne savez en F«ra»nce le g«ra»nt charboun soffler. Certes, ceo dist li dus, mais n’en oie soffler. Et respont li payen: Mais te feray mostrer. Ly payen vait le duc au g«ra»nt fowel mener. Q«ua»nt Rollant l’ad veu, a Berard l’ad mostre Ore p«or»res boue jeu ver «et» esgarder. Dahait qui ne laira ly «et» Naimes juer. Lucafer se beysa pur un tison combrer, Trestote le plus ardant quil i poet trover, Par tiel air soffla le fu qil li fist voler. Puis ad dist a Names ‘Ore vo«us» cove«nt» soffler.’ Names prist le tison qui bien se sout aider, Vers le payen s’en va pur le tison sofler, Pur ceo le fist ly dus qa ly se volt meller, Si suffla le tison qe le fist allumer, Le barbe «et» le menton fist au payen bruler, Tres p«ar»my le visaie en fist la flame virer, Qe par un sule petite qe nel fist souuiler. Q«ua»nt le voit ly payen, le sanc quida deueher. Il jette a .ij. ses maines, qi le quide frapper, Mais ly dus le ferry tres p«ar»my le costes, Qe les oilz de la teste ly fist en fu voler. Puys l’ad pris par le flank, s’il voit en le fu ruer. Lichiers, dist dus Names, Dex te poet mal doner, Tu me quidoies ore come fole cy trover.” The distribution of the relics, in which «S» (cf. note to l. 3238) differs from «F» 6195 «et seq.» is related as follows in «H», leaf 100:— “Au baron seint Dynis fu mult g«ra»nt l’assemble«e» Au perron au londy fu la messe chante«e», Illok fu la corone p«ar»tie «et» dessevere«e», L’un moite fu a saint Dynis done«e» Et un clow ansiem«ent», cest v«er»ite prove«e», De la Corone fu un p«ar»tie a Ais porte«e», A Compaign«e» est l’ensigne en l’eglise honore«e», Et les altres .ij. clowes a Orliens fu enveie«e», Maint p«re»sant fist Charls de France la loi«e» Des saintisme reliqes, Jh«es»u de maiestes. En l’onur de Deu est mainte eglise fonde«e», La feste de lendit fu pur iceo estore«e». Jaiaz videront cens ne taille donee. [p-li] Ne tardoit q«ue» .iiij. ans k’Espaign«e» fu gaste«e». La fu la treison de Rollant p«or»pense«e», Qe Ganes le vendist a la gent diffaee, Puys fu as chiuals sa chars destreine«e», Pinables en fu mortz de suz Lyons en la pre«e», La le vengea Terris au trenchant del espee, Puys fu pendu armes par gule«e» pare«e», Toutz iours vegnent traitors a mal destine«e» Ou aloignee ou apres ia ni aueront duree. Charles voit a Orliens, la chancheon est fine«e» Au deu vo«us» commande, tote j’ai ma chancon fine. De cels romance est bone la fine «et» l’entre«e», Et en mileue «et» p«ar»tote qi b«ie»n l’ad escoute«e» La beneiceon aez de Deu «et» del v«ir»gine honore. Amen.” The miracle («F» 6101–6123)[88] of the glove, in which Charles had placed fragments of the thorns, remaining suspended in the air for over an hour, the description of which is omitted in the «Sowdan» (cf. «Dissert.», p. 29), is related as follows in «H», leaf 99:— “L’emp«er»ers de France fist forem«ent» a loier Il a fait un table sur .ij. trestes lever. Et par de sur un paille q«ui» fu fait outre mer. Illok fist Charlm̄ la corone aporter, Puis ad fait l’arcevesqe p«ar»tir «et» deviser, Si ad fait les reliqes m«u»lt b«ie»n envoluper, Dedens son mestre coffres les a fait deffermer, Et les altres reliqes qe il voudra aporter. Les petites espignons qil vist esgruner, De la saint corone qil fist demenbrer, Trestote les acoillye n«os»tre emp«er»er ber, Et les mist en son gant qanqil pout trover. Un chivaler le tent qil vist lez ly ester, Mais al ne l’ap«er»ceut my qe nele oit parler. Charlemayn retiret sa mayne, si lesse le gant aler. Et dex a fait le gant enmy l’air arester Tant q«ue» d .j. leue en pout home b«ie»n aler; Kar la presse fu grant, ne l’en puis remenbrer. Charlemayn comande l’ewe apporter. De son gant ly sovengre si «quant» il dust laver, Mais ne seet a ky le comanda abailier, Par desur la gent le vist en l’air esteer, L’arcevesqe la monstre «et» tuit l’altre barne. Ceo fu mult g«ra»nt m«er»veille, ho«m»e en doit b«ie»n p«ar»ler, Charls a pris son gant, s’est assis au soper.” «H», leaf 37, agrees with «F», l. 1043, in making Oliver drink of the bottles of balm, which is not mentioned in the «Sowdan», l. 1190 (cf. p. xxix). [p-lii] Similarly we find «S» 2604 differing from «H», leaf 62, where we read «Basyns» (= «Basin», «F» 3313) instead of «Bryer». Again «H», l. 40, agreeing exactly with «F», l. 1329 «et seq.», differs from «S» 1279–82 (cf. p. xxix). Instead of Floripas, «S» 1515, it is Brulans, «H», l. 49, and «F» 1949, who advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners. The names of the twelve peers are the same in «H» as in «F» (cf. p. xxvii); and the whole scene of the peers being sent one after the other on a mission to Laban (cf. note to l. 1665 of the «Sowdan») is described exactly alike in «F» 2263–2282 and in «H», leaf 51, back, with the only difference that the names of the peers are given in a different order in both versions, Richard of Normandy, who is sent off as the sixth in «F», being the second in «H». These variations of «S» from «H» clearly exemplify the impossibility of regarding the Hanover MS. as the original of the «Sowdan». But as on the whole these differences are not of a very significant nature, and as, moreover, part of these variations may perhaps be attributed to the favourite habit of the author of going his own way in the arrangement of the subject-matter and in some minor points, whereas in the essential course of the events he strictly adhered to his source (see above p. xxxviii, and cf. note to l. 2535); and as besides there are several names, the spelling of which differs in «F», agreeing in «S» and «H», I think there can be no doubt that the original of the second part of the «Sowdan» was a version similar to the Hanover MS. If now we compare the Hanover version with the Ashmole «Ferumbras» more closely than has been possible on page xx, there are some instances where «A», whilst differing from «F», agrees with «H». H. A. lf. 27. Ha «Glout», dist 163. A «glotoun», saide þe Emperer Karlemaines, lf. 27. Que puis «vivre» que cest 175. Ke «lyve» he noȝt þys day to jours fu passes be evene lf. 25, bk. Ses chiuals ad reine 91. Þarto ys stede þan tyeþe he à un arbre rasmee Et garda les leges tote contreval li pree Nevertheless, the following passage in which «A» agrees with «F», but differs from «H», will at once show the impossibility of regarding «H» as the original of «A». [p-liii] A. H. 302. Þanne þer come bifore lf. 28, bk. Atant se sunt drecie Charloun, Gweneloun and Guinelons et «Alores» «Hardree» In other instances «A» is found differing from «H» as well as from «F». Thus the name of «Enfachoun», «A» 4652, which is «Effraons» in «F» 4900, does not occur at all in «H», which in the passage corresponding to «F» 4900, as well as in that corresponding to «F» 4913, reads «Affricons li Geans». Again, in the story of Myloun, in which «A», l. 2008 «et seq.», differs from «F», we find «H» disagreeing from «F», 2734 «et seq.», and from «A»:— “Volez vo«us» queor de feme essaier «et» esprover Del riche duc Milon vo«us» deverez remenbrer, Qe tant nori Galans qe ly fist adouber, Puys ly tolly sa feile Gabaen au vis cler, L’enfes Marsilion en fist desherriter.— Qu«an»t l’entent Floripas, du sens quida deueer.”—(«H», leaf 56.) But in most cases in which «F» differs from «A», «H» agrees with «F». Thus we find Ferumbras challenging only «six» French knights in «H», lf. 26, as in «F», 84, 105, instead of «twelve» in «A», l. 102. In «A», l. 5204, Floripas, swooning away, is upheld by Oliver, whereas in «F», 5373, and in «H», lf. 90, it is Guy who keeps her from falling. For «Howel of saint Miloun», «A» 5574, we read «Huon de saint Lis» in «F» 5792, and «Hugon de saint Lis» in «H», lf. 95, bk. As in «F» 2912 it is to Berard that Roland speaks in «H», lf 57, bk., and not to Olyver, as in «A» 2234. That Maubyn scales the walls by means of a ladder of leather («A» 2406) is not mentioned in «F» 3061, nor in «H», lf. 59, bk. In «A» 1386 Floripas gives Oliver, who is wounded, a warm draught, which heals every wound; in «F» 2209, as well as in «H», lf. 51, it is by a bit of the mandrake plant that he is healed. The maid-attendant mentioned in «A» 1238 («chamberere») is a man-attendant in «F» 2083 («chamberlenc») and in «H», lf. 49, bk. («chamberlayn»). There is no trace of the additional lines of «A», ll. 4867–4875, to be found in «H», lf. 86 bk., nor in «F», 5094. Among the relics spoken of in «A», there is nowhere a mention made of the «signe». In «H» we find the «signe» always mentioned [p-liv] together with the crown and the nails, just as in «F». In the passage quoted above from «H», lf. 100, and in the line which corresponds to «F» 6094, we find «ensigne» instead of «signe»; but «ensigne» certainly must be looked upon as a clerical blunder. In the other passages in which we find “the winding sheet, or shroud, of the Lord” mentioned in «H» it is also called «signe»:— “Et rendrai la corone et le «signe» honore.” «H», lf. 42 = «F», 1498; and «H», lf. 45, bk. = «F», 1805. “Et les saintismes clowes et le «signe» honores.”—«H», lf. 57 = «F», 2829. That the «signe» cannot be the “inscription of the cross” (cf. «Introduction», p. xxx) is proved by an additional line of the Hanover MS., in which the Archbishop is said to have covered the heads of the French with the «signe»:— “Puys a trait l’ensigne qui bien estoit ovres Engenolant l’ad ly Rois tote oue lermes baises, Plus flairoit ducement que basine enbasines. Quant Franceis l’ont veu, ele vous effraes, De pite et de ioy fu chescous enplores. L’ercevesqe le prist, mult fu bien purpenses, «Et nos Franceis en a les chefs envolupes», Puis le mist sur le paille qest a or ornes, Od les altres relikes dont illi out asses.” «H», lf. 98, corresponding to «F», 6094 «et seq.» Abstaining now from citing any more passages where «H» agrees with «F», but differs from «A», I think the few quotations above will suffice to show the impossibility of regarding the Hanover MS. as the original of the Ashmole «Ferumbras», notwithstanding that there are some resemblances of «A» to «H» (cf. p. xx). Therefore the result arrived at on p. xxi as to the original of the Ashmolean version is in no way altered by the detailed comparison of «A» with «H». FOOTNOTES: [88] Cf. «Sir Ferumbras», 185/5988. SKETCH OF THE STORY. Laban, the Soudan of Babylon, who was residing at Agremore in Spain, went to the chase in a wood near the sea (p. 2). Being tired of hunting he sat down under a tree, and, perceiving a ship drawing near unto the shore, he sent one of his men to hail the vessel and to inquire for news. The interpreter of the vessel informs the soudan that the ship, freighted with a rich cargo at Babylon designed as a [p-lv] present to Laban, had been driven by violent storms to the shore near Rome, where the ship had been robbed, and many of its people had been slain by the Romans. He solicits the Soudan to revenge this insult. Laban promises to make them pay dearly for it (p. 3). He convokes a war-council, and assembles a hundred thousand men and seven hundred sail. Himself goes, with Ferumbras his son and Floripas his daughter, in a dromond richly adorned (p. 4). They disembark in the haven of Rome, slay all Christians, and burn towns, abbeys, and churches. The pope of Rome assembles his council (p. 5). Duke Savaris is to meet the Saracens. With ten thousand men he draws near the Soudan’s pavilion on the shore (p. 6); they slay ten thousand Saracens. The Romans, though masters of the field, cautiously retire within the walls of the city. Lukafer of Baldas, having scoured the country, brings ten thousand Christian maidens to the Soudan, who orders them to be put to death (p. 7). Lukafer demands Floripas for his wife, in return for which he promises her father to bring Charlemagne and his twelve peers to the foot of his throne. Floripas agrees to accept him when he has fulfilled his promise. The next morning Lukafer assaults the city, but the ditches being too deep (p. 8), the Saracens are obliged to retire. On the following day the assault is renewed, the ditches are, on Mavon’s advice, filled with faggots. After a sharp conflict, where there were ten thousand Saracens slain by the stones of the Romans, the heathens are obliged to withdraw (p. 9). This second repulse makes the Soudan almost mad with vexation; he chides his gods. But Lukafer told him that he had learned from a spy that Savaris would, on the following day, come out again to fight with them. He now intended, when Savaris was engaged in the battle, to unfold a banner made exactly like that of the Romans, and to attempt, by this stratagem, to be admitted within the gates. And so it turned out: the Romans mistaking him for Savaris returning from his sally, he entered the main tower, and slew all therein. Savaris, noticing the artifice of the enemy, and seeing his troop reduced to seventy-two men, turned back, but found the gate shut (p. 10). Estragot, a black giant of Ethiopia, slays him with his steel-mace. The Pope having summoned his council, a senator suggested the necessity of [p-lvi] sending messengers to Charlemagne to ask his aid. They all assented, and three messengers (p. 11) left the city by a postern at midnight; they passed the enemy’s camp without being noticed by any wight. On the next morning Laban attempted a third assault; he commanded every man to throw pikes and bills over the walls to kill the Romans, and ordered the ships to go up the water with their boats bound to the mast, that they might fight in close combat. Near the tower there stood a bulwark, or “bastile,” which was a strong defence to the wall. It was thrown down by stones hurled from an engine. Laban, growing proud from this event, summoned the Romans to surrender. Instead of an answer a Roman hurled a dart at his breast-plate, but his hauberk shielded him. The Soudan, more than mad, charged Ferumbras to destroy them all (p. 12), and enjoined Fortibrance and Mavon to direct their engines against the walls. The great glutton Estragot, with his heavy mace, smote on the gates and brake them in pieces. But as he was entering one of the gates, they let the portcullis fall, which crushed him to the ground, where he lay crying like a devil of hell. The Romans rejoiced, but the Saracens grieved. They withdrew to their tents, leaving behind the corpse of Estragot, whose soul went up to Mahound (p. 13). The Pope called all his people to St. Peter’s and proposed to them to attempt a sally with twenty thousand men, to attack the enemy before day-break within their camp, and to leave ten thousand for the defence of the city. In the morning the Pope displayed the banner of Rome, and after a prayer for the preservation of the city, they marched out. But Ferumbras, going his rounds (p. 14), noticed their coming, sounded the alarm, and drew up his troops. Then began a fierce struggle. Ferumbras slew Sir Bryer of Apulia (p. 15) and the worthy Hubert. Nine thousand heathens were killed and eight thousand Romans. Lukafer destroyed eighteen Romans; he also slew Gyndard, a senator of Rome, who had killed ten Saracens. Then came the Pope with a great escort and his banner before him. Ferumbras, supposing him to be the sovereign (p. 16), burst open the thick crowd and threw him down to the ground. But having opened his ventail, he saw his tonsure, and recognized the Pope. “Fie, priest,” he said, “what doest thou here in the battle-field? [p-lvii] It would be a shame for me to slay thee. Go home and think of thy choir-service.” The Pope, being glad to get off so easily, retired to Rome with five thousand men, fifteen thousand being killed. Charlemagne, having learned from the messenger the great disaster which had befallen the Romans, said he would not desist until he had chased the Soudan and Ferumbras out of Christendom (p. 17). He gave ten thousand pounds of francs to his nephew, Guy of Burgundy, and sent him off with orders to advance against the Soudan by forced marches. Himself would follow as soon as possible. In the mean time Laban reminded Lukafer of his vaunting promise to bring him Charlemagne and his twelve peers in return for his daughter Floripas. Lukafer said he would do all he had promised. With ten thousand men he attacked the city on one side, the other being assaulted by Ferumbras. The combat continued as long as daylight lasted. At night they retired to their tents (p. 18). Then treason was planned by Isres, who by inheritance possessed the guard of the chief gate of the town. He went to the Soudan and offered to betray the city on condition that his life and property should be spared. The Soudan promised it. Ferumbras with twenty thousand men went with Isres, but on entering the gate he caused the traitor’s head to be struck off by the portcullis and to be carried on the point of a spear through the city. “Treason,” cried the people (p. 19), when Ferumbras advanced into Rome. All the streets were soon covered with dead men. Ferumbras went to St. Peter’s, seized the relics, the cross, the crown, and the nails, burned the whole city, and carried away all the treasures and the gold to Agremore in Spain, where the Soudan went back to stay. Three months and three days they spent there in great festivities, making offerings to their gods, and burning frankincense in their honour. They drank the blood of beasts and milk, and ate honey, and snakes fried with oil (p. 20). When Sir Guy, approaching, drew near Rome, he found the whole city in flames. He grieved much that he had arrived too late, and resolved to wait there for Charlemagne, and then to tell him how Laban had burnt the city, and had sent the relics to Agremore, his principal town in Spain. Soon king Charles advanced to rescue Rome with his twelve peers and three hundred thousand soldiers (p. 21). Roland [p-lviii] led the vanguard, Oliver the rear, and the king was with the main body. The provisions were conveyed by sea. Guy, seeing the army come, went to meet the king, and told him the mischief done by the Soudan, who, moreover, had made a vow to seek Charles in France in order to afflict him with grief. “He will find me near,” said Charles, “and shall pay dearly for it. Unless he consents to be baptized (p. 22), he shall never see Babylon again.” They all took ship without delay. Propitious winds drove them into the river Gase, where they landed, thirty miles from Agremore, and laid waste the country. Laban, hearing this news, was astonished at Charles’s presumption (p. 23). He assembled all his barons, and charged them to bring him alive that glutton that called himself king of France, and to slay the rest of his army. Ferumbras went forth with many Saracens. He meets with Roland. They deal each other heavy strokes. Oliver cuts off a quarter of Lukafer’s shield. The combat lasted the whole day. Well fought the twelve peers (p. 24). Ferumbras charges Oliver. King Charles, seeing this, rides at Ferumbras, and strikes his helm with a heavy mace. Ferumbras cannot approach him on account of the crowd. Charlemagne slew thirty Saracens with his sword Mounjoy. Lukafer of Baldas encountering Charles told him that he had promised the Soudan to bring him Charles and the twelve peers. Charles strikes him on his helmet (p. 25), but Lukafer is rescued by a great throng. Roland, drawing Durnedale, cleared a space around him, and hammered the heads of the Saracens. So did the other peers, and thirty thousand Saracens were slain. At night the pagans quit the field. Ferumbras vows never to desist until he has conquered Roland and Oliver (p. 26) and been crowned king at Paris. Charles went to his pavilion and thanked God and St. Mary of France. He praised the elder knights for having won the victory, and exhorted the young ones to take example by them. They all make merry and go to supper. The Saracens address a prayer to the red Mars Armipotent (p. 27), to grant the Mahometans the victory over the Christians (p. 28). In order to recruit the late losses in his army, the Soudan sent for his vassals, and assembled more than three hundred thousand Saracens at Agremore. He addressed them (p. 29) in order to increase their [p-lix] ardour, ordered a solemn sacrifice to his gods, and charged Ferumbras to march with thirty thousand of his people against the Christian king (whom he wished to teach courtesy), and to slay all his men except Roland and Oliver (p. 30), if they would renounce their gods. Ferumbras led out his troops; until arriving near Charles’s camp, he ordered them to halt in a wood, and advanced with only ten of his men to the camp of Charlemagne, and offered to fight at once against six of his peers. If he should conquer them, he would lead them away to his father’s hall; but if he should be conquered, he would be Charles’s man. The king sent for Roland and ordered him to undertake the combat. Roland refuses (p. 31), because Charles had praised the old knights: they might show their prowess now. Charles, vexed, smites Roland on the mouth, so that the blood springs from his nose, and he calls him a traitor. Roland draws his sword, but the other barons separate them and try to conciliate them. Meanwhile Oliver, who being sorely wounded kept his bed, on hearing of this dispute, had armed himself and went to Charles. He reminds the king of his long services, in reward for which he demands the battle. Charles remonstrates with him. But Oliver insists (p. 32). He rides to the forest, and finds Ferumbras alighted under a tree, to a branch of which his steed was tied. “Arise,” he said, “I am come to fight with thee.” Ferumbras, without moving, demands his name. “I am Generyse, a young knight lately dubbed.” Ferumbras observes: “Charles is a fool to send thee; go and tell him to send me Roland and Oliver and such four other douzeperes. For little honour were it to me to fight with thee.” “Spare thy words,” replies Oliver, “and take thy arms” (p. 33). Ferumbras is wrath and seizes his helmet, which Oliver assists him to lace. Ferumbras thanks him, courteously bowing to him. They mount their steeds, and rushing together like fire of thunder, they have their lances broken. They draw their swords. Ferumbras smites Oliver on his helmet so that the fire flies. Oliver strikes at the head of Ferumbras, breaks away the circle of his helmet, and the sword glancing off down his back, he cuts off two bottles of balm (p. 34), which he throws into the river. Ferumbras tells him that they were invaluable to a wounded man, and that he should atone for their loss with his life. He [p-lx] strikes at Oliver, who wards off the blow with his shield, but his steed is killed under him. Oliver quickly starts up and tries to kill his adversary’s horse, but Ferumbras rides off and ties it to a hazel. “Yield thyself to me,” says Ferumbras, “believe on Mahound, and I will make thee a duke in my country, and give thee my sister” (p. 35). “Ere I yield to thee,” answered Oliver, “thou shalt feel my strokes.” They fight for a considerable time; the blood runs from both their bodies. By mutual consent they stop to take breath. Ferumbras again asks Oliver his name and kin. “Thou must be one of the twelve peers, as thou fightest so well.” “I am Oliver, cousin to Charlemagne.” “Thou art welcome here,” says Ferumbras; “thou slewest my uncle (p. 36); now thou shalt pay the penalty.” The fight continued the whole day. At last Oliver, smiting Ferumbras upon the helmet, had his sword broken. He ran to the steed at the tree and seized a sword that was hanging there, but in turning on Ferumbras, he received a blow that made him kneel down (p. 37). But he returns Ferumbras a fearful stroke. Charles, seeing Oliver on his knees, prayed to Christ that he might grant the victory over the pagan. An angel announced to him that his prayer was heard. Charles thanks God (p. 38). The fight begins again. Ferumbras breaks his sword on Oliver’s helmet. He runs for another and asks Oliver to surrender. But Oliver aims at him a blow which cuts his hauberk, so that his bowels are laid bare. Ferumbras implores his mercy, and consents to be christened, his gods having proved false. He requested him to take his hauberk (p. 39), to fetch his horse, and to carry him to his own tent. But the Saracens who lay concealed in the wood rush out. Oliver, being surrounded, sets down Ferumbras under an olive-tree, and defends himself with his sword, dealing the Saracens many a hard blow. Then Roland rushed into the throng of the enemy and slew many (p. 40). His horse being killed by arrows and darts, he fights on foot, but his sword breaking, he is taken and led away. Oliver rides to rescue him, but his horse being also killed, he is overpowered and bound. Both were conducted to Lukafer of Baldas (p. 41). Charles sees them, and calls for a rescue. Many enemies were slain by the French barons, but the Saracens had fled with their prisoners, and [p-lxi] Charles is obliged to turn back. Under a holm tree they find Ferumbras, whom the king is going to put to death. But on his requesting to be baptized Charles took pity on him (p. 42), led him to his tent, and ordered a surgeon to attend him. He soon recovered, and bishop Turpin baptized him by the name of Floreyn. But he continued to be called Ferumbras all his life. Afterwards he was known as Floreyn of Rome on account of his holiness. Roland and Oliver being brought to the Soudan, Laban enquires their names. They confess their names (p. 43). The Soudan swears they shall both be executed the next morning before his dinner. But Floripas advises him to detain them as hostages, and to remember his son Ferumbras, for whom they might be exchanged. The Soudan, finding her counsel good, orders his gaoler Bretomayn to imprison them, but to leave them without food (p. 44). At high tide the sea filled their deep cells, so that they suffered much from the salt water, from their wounds, and from hunger. On the sixth day Floripas, who was gathering flowers in her garden, heard them lament. Moved to compassion, she asks her governess Maragound to help her in getting food for the prisoners. Maragound refuses, and reminds Floripas of her father’s command. Floripas, thinking of a trick, called to her governess to come to a window (p. 45) and see the porpoises sporting beneath. As Maragound is looking out, Floripas pushes her into the flood. She then asks Bretomayn to let her see the prisoners. The gaoler threatened to complain to her father, but Floripas, having seized his key-clog, dashed out his brains. She then went to tell her father she had surprised the gaoler feeding the prisoners (p. 46) and promising to deliver them, wherefore she had slain him. The Soudan gives the prisoners into her guard. She now proceeded to the prison, asked the prisoners what they wanted, and promised to protect them from any harm (p. 47). She let down a rope, and with her maidens drew up both, and led them to her apartments. There they ate, took a bath, and went to bed. The Soudan knew nothing of his prisoners being in Floripas’s chamber. Meanwhile Charlemagne tells Guy that he must go to the Soudan to demand the surrender of Roland and Oliver, and of the relics of Rome. Naymes of Bavaria represents that a messenger to the Soudan [p-lxii] (p. 48) would certainly be slain; and that they ought to be anxious not to lose any more besides Roland and Oliver. Then said the king: “By God, thou shalt go with Guy.” Ogier the Dane remonstrates, but is ordered to go too. So are Thierry of Ardane, and Folk Baliant, Aleroys, and Miron of Brabant. Bishop Turpin kneels down to implore the king’s mercy, but he must go too, as well as Bernard of Spruwse (p. 49) and Brier of Mountdidier. The knights take leave and start. About the same time the Soudan having assembled his council, Sortibrance and Brouland (p. 50) advise him to send twelve knights, and to bid Charles to give up Ferumbras and to withdraw from his country. The knights are despatched; near Mantrible they meet with the Christian messengers. Duke Naymes enquires whither they intend to go (p. 51). Having heard their message, the delegates of Charlemagne cut off their heads, which they take with them to present to the Soudan at Agremore. Laban was just dining when Naymes delivers his message: “God confound Laban and all his Saracens, and save Charles, who commands thee to send back his two nephews and to restore the relics” (p. 52). They then produce the heads of the Soudan’s messengers. The Soudan vowed a vow that they should all ten be hanged as soon as he had finished his dinner. But Floripas recommended him to put off his resolution until a general council of his barons had determined on the best way to procure the liberation of Ferumbras. Thereupon the Soudan gives the prisoners into her guard. Floripas leads the knights into her tower (p. 53), where they were glad to find Roland and Oliver. They told each other how they had fared. After washing, they dined off venison, bread, and wine. The following day Floripas asks Naymes his name, and enquires after Guy of Burgundy, whom she had loved for a long time (p. 54), and for whom she would do all she could for their benefit, and would be baptized if he would agree to love her in return. Naymes tells Guy to take her for his wife; but Guy refuses, as he never will take a wife unless she be given him by Charles. But Roland and Oliver persuade him, so that he at last consents. Floripas, holding a golden cup of wine (p. 55), kissed him, and requested him to drink to her after the fashion of her country; she then would drink to him in return. They all [p-lxiii] make merry, and prepare to assail the Soudan at supper on the following day. Meanwhile Lukafer comes to the Soudan and asks leave to see the prisoners, in order to know how Floripas guards them. Finding the door locked (p. 56), he burst it open with a blow of his fist, and told them he was come to speak to them, and to enquire after Charlemagne. Duke Naymes answers. Lukafer then asks what amusements they have after dinner. Naymes says: “Some joust, some sing, some play at chess.” “I will teach you a new game,” says Lukafer (p. 57). With a thread he fastened a needle on a pole and put a burning coal upon it. He blew it at Naymes’s beard and burnt it. Naymes waxed wroth, and snatching a burning brand from the fire he smites at Lukafer, and throws him into the fire, where he was burnt to charcoal. Floripas applauds this, but points out their danger, and advises them to arm. At supper time she goes to her father (p. 58). As they were sitting at table, the twelve peers rushed in and slew all whom they met. Laban, pursued by Oliver, jumps out of a window on to the sea-shore and escaped without injury. They killed all in the castle, and then drew up the bridges and shut the gates. Laban vowed a vow that he would hang them all and burn his daughter. He sent to Mantrible for troops (p. 59) and engines and besieged Agremore. Floripas recommends the peers to enjoy themselves. In the morning the Soudan attacks the castle, but is repulsed (p. 60). He accuses his gods of sleepiness and shakes them to rouse them out of sleep. Brouland tells him, as the castle is strong and well stored with provisions, the peers will hold it very long; but if he would send orders to Alagolofer, the bridge-keeper at Mantrible, not to allow any one to pass without leave (p. 61), they would get no assistance from Charles and die from hunger. Espiard, the Soudan’s messenger, is despatched to Mantrible, and commands the giant not to suffer any one to pass the bridge (p. 62). Alagolofer drew four and twenty chains across the bridge. Meanwhile the Soudan assaults the castle again, but the twelve peers slew three hundred Saracens (p. 63). Laban threatens to hang them, and utters imprecations against Floripas, who returns them. He then calls for Mavon, his engineer, and orders him to direct a mangonel against the walls. Mavon knocked down a piece of the battlements. [p-lxiv] Roland and Oliver lament; they are comforted by Floripas (p. 64). Guy kills Marsedage, the king of Barbary, by throwing a dart at him. The Saracens stop the attack to bury Marsedage, and bewail him seven nights and seven days. Then the Soudan more closely blockades the castle (p. 65). The provisions being exhausted, Roland complains of Charles’s forgetfulness; but Floripas cheers him up, saying she possessed a magic girdle, which was a talisman against hunger and thirst for those who wore it. They all successively put it on, and felt as if they had feasted (p. 66). Laban wondered at their endurance, but at last remembering the girdle, he induced Mapin to attempt to steal it at night. Mapin entered the chamber of Floripas (p. 67) through a chimney. He finds the girdle and puts it on, but Floripas perceives him and cries out. Roland hurries to her assistance, cuts off Mapin’s head, and throws him out through the window into the sea without noticing the girdle. Floripas, seeing her girdle lost, is much grieved; Roland comforts her. They agree to attempt a sally to obtain food (p. 68). In the morning Naymes and Ogier remain in the castle, while the others start and surprise the Saracens sleeping in their huts. They slew three hundred, and carried off as much food as they could bear (p. 69). The Soudan is enraged and is going to burn his gods, but, appeased by his wise men, he sacrifices again, and is assoiled by the priests. Laban holds council (p. 70). A new assault begins, but so many of the assailants were slain by the showers of stones hurled down by the peers that the ditches are filled with dead bodies. The Saracens retire. But soon a second attack ensues. There being no stones, Floripas gave them her father’s silver and gold to cast amongst the assailants. The Soudan in alarm for his treasure gives up the assault (p. 71). He is enraged with his gods, and smites Mahound so that he fell on his face; but the priests induce him to kneel down and ask forgiveness (p. 72). Meanwhile Roland exhorted Richard of Normandy to go on a message to Charles, that he might come to their rescue. They all would, the following morning before day-break, make an attack on the Saracens, and meanwhile he should steal off in the darkness. In the morning they sally out. Floripas and her maidens draw up the bridges after them. Richard went off towards Mantrible (p. 73). [p-lxv] The others slay many Saracens; but Guy, overpowered by the Babylonians, is taken prisoner. Laban asks his name. Guy tells him. He is to be hanged. Three hundred Saracens crowding near the gate of the castle, attempted to prevent the other peers from entering. A fearful struggle begins (p. 74), in which Sir Bryer is killed. At last the Saracens take to flight. The peers retire inside the castle, taking the corpse of Bryer with them. Floripas enquires after Guy, and on hearing of his capture, begins to lament despairingly. Roland promises to rescue Guy (p. 75). On the following morning Laban orders Sir Tamper to erect a gallows before the castle, where Floripas could see it. Guy is led bound. Roland calls his companions to arms. They rush forth (p. 76). Oliver cuts down Sir Tamper, Roland kills a king of India, takes his sword and horse, and gives them to Guy, having unbound him. They slay many Saracens, and put the rest to flight. Retiring towards the castle, they see Admiral Costroye, and the Soudan’s standard-bearer, escorting a great convoy, destined for the sultan, across a field near the high road (p. 77). Roland calls to them to share the provisions with them. Costroye refuses, and is slain by Roland. Oliver kills the standard-bearer, and the convoy is conveyed into the castle (p. 78). Floripas thanks Roland for bringing back Sir Guy, and proposes that he shall choose himself a mistress from amongst her maidens. But Roland refuses to take any that is not a Christian. The Soudan, on hearing such bad news, again defies his gods, and threatens to throw them into the flames (p. 79). But bishop Cramadas kneels before him and appeases him. The Soudan makes an offering of a thousand besants to his gods. When Richard arrived as far as Mantrible, he found the bridge barred by twenty-four chains, and Alagolofer standing before it. Determined not to leave his errand unperformed, he knelt down and commended himself to God. A hind appears (p. 80) and swims across the river; Richard follows her, and passing over in safety, hurries on to Charlemagne. Meanwhile Genelyn, the traitor, had advised Charles to retire to France, because the twelve peers were all slain. The king believed him, and marched homeward, lamenting for his peers. Richard overtakes him, and is recognized by Charles, who asks him about the others. [p-lxvi] Richard tells the king how they are besieged within the castle of Agremore, and are waiting for his assistance. Charles, vowing vengeance on Genelyn (p. 81), turned and marched to Agremore. Richard informed him of the giant who kept the bridge, and how he had passed the river by a miracle. He proposed a plan that twelve knights, disguised as merchants, with their arms hidden under their clothes, should pay the toll, and the bridge being let down, they should blow a horn as a signal for the others to approach. They start and arrive at Mantrible (p. 82). Alagolofer asks whither they are going. Richard says they are merchants on their way to the Soudan, and they are willing to pay the toll. Alagolofer refuses to let them pass, and tells them about the ten knights, who had passed there and done so much mischief to the Soudan; therefore he will arrest them all. Sir Focard draws his sword and smites at him, Richard blows his horn, and Charles advances (p. 83). Alagolofer fights them with a great oak club. Richard seizes a bar of brass and knocks him down. Four men get hold of him and throw him into the river. They loosened the chains; but the Saracens assembling on the walls of the city, many Christians were slain. Alagolofer’s wife, Barrock the giantess, comes on with her scythe and mows down all whom she meets. Charles dashes out her brains (p. 84), and with fifteen knights enters the outer gate of the town, thinking his army would follow him. But the gate was instantly closed upon him, and his men came too late. Charles was in great danger; but Genelyn, seeing him shut in, exclaimed that the king and the twelve peers were dead, and proposed to retire, as he wished to be king himself. They were going to return, but Ferumbras (p. 85) calls him a traitor; he rallies the French, and with his axe bursts open the gate. He chased the Saracens and rescued the king. Mantrible is taken with all its engines and treasures. Richard found two children of seven months old (p. 86), and four feet high. They were sons of Barrock, begotten by Astragot. Charles caused them to be baptized, and called the one Roland and the other Oliver. But they soon died for want of their mother’s milk. The king appoints Richard governor of the city, and hurries on to Agremore with his army and with Ferumbras (p. 87). Laban, being told by a spy [p-lxvii] that his city was taken and the bridge-ward killed, swears to avenge him. He calls a council, and charges his barons to take Charles alive that he might flay him. Charles approaches. Floripas first recognizes the banner of France and tells the others (p. 88). Roland and all his companions sally forth to meet Charlemagne. Laban draws up all his people in battle-order. The French make a great slaughter of the Saracens. Charles encounters the Soudan; he unhorses him, and would have cut off his head, but for Ferumbras, who requested that his father might be baptized. The Saracens, seeing Laban a prisoner, fly; but the Christians pursue them. Three hundred escaped to Belmarine. Charles leads Laban to Agremore. Floripas welcomes her father (p. 89), but he is enraged at seeing her. She then bids Charlemagne welcome, and presents the holy relics to him. Charles kisses them, and says a prayer; he then thanks Floripas for her assistance to his knights, and for having preserved the precious relics. He orders Turpin to prepare a vessel wherein to baptize the Soudan, and to wash off his sin in the water (p. 90). Turpin leads Laban to the font, but the Soudan strikes at him, spits on the vessel, utters invectives against all Christians, and curses Ferumbras. Charles commands Naymes to cut off his head. He is executed; his soul goes to hell, there to dance with devils. Floripas was baptized with all her maidens, and was wedded to Guy. Charles divided Spain between Guy and Ferumbras (p. 91), and charges Sir Bryer of Bretayne to take care of the relics, and to bring all his treasure to Paris. After taking leave of Guy and Floripas, Charles sails to Monpilier, where he thanks God for the victory (p. 92), and for the relics. He presents the cross to Paris, the crown to St. Denis, the three nails to Boulogne. Charles well remembered the treachery of Genelyn, and ordered him to be drawn and hanged at Montfaucon in Paris (p. 93). [p001] The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras his Sone who Conquerede Rome: «From the unique MS. of the late Sir Thos. Phillipps.» GOD in glorye of myghteste[89] moost, 1 God has ordained all That al thinge made in sapience things wisely. By vertue of woorde and holy goost, Gyvinge to man grete excellence, 4 He has subjected the And alle, þat is in erthe, wroght earth to man, and man Subiecte to man and man̄ to the, to God. That he shoulde witħ herte and thought To loue and serve, and nooɳ but the: 8 The man who keeps His For ȝyfe man̄ kepte thy co«m»maundemente commandments and loves In al thinge and loued the welle Him well, will feel And hadde synnede in his entente, His grace. But many Thaɳ shulde he fully thy grace fele; 12 who offended Him have But for the offences to God I-doo«n»[90] felt His vengeance. I Many vengeaunces haue be-falle. will tell you of one; Where-of I wole yoᶙ telle of ooɳ, it would take too long It were to mocħ to telle of alle. 16 to tell of all. Listen While þat Rome was in excellence to me, and ye shall Of alle Realmes in dignite, hear how Rome, the And howe it felle for his offence, former mistress of all Listinythe a while and ye shal see, 20 nations, came to fall Howe it was woneɳ and brente by its sins, and was Of a Sowdoɳ, that heatheɳ was, destroyed by a heathen And for synne howe it was shente; Soudan. King Lewis has As Kinge Lowes witnessith þat cas, 24 borne witness to [p002 LABAN, THE SOUDAN OF BABYLON, HEARS] As it is wryten in Romaunce that story, which, And founden in bokes of Antiquyte written in Romance At Seinte Denyse Abbey in Fraunc[e],[91] and found in very There as Cronycles remembrede be, 28 old chronicles at Howe Laban, the kinge of hie degre, St Denys in France, And sy[rh] and Sowdoɳ of hie Babiloɳ, relates how Laban, the Conquerede grete parte of Christiante, king of Babylon, who That was born in Askaloɳ. 32 was born at Ascalon, And in the Cite of Agremare[92] conquered a great part Vppon̄ the Rivere of Flagote of Christendom. He was At þat tyme he soiorned the[rh]† holding his court in Fulle roially, wel I wote, 36 the city of Agremore, With kinges xij and Admyralles xiiij, on the river Flagot, With many a Baron̄ & Kniȝtis ful boold, with 12 kings and 14 That roialle were and semly to sene; admirals, and many Here worþynesse al may not be told. 40 worthy barons and Hit bifelle by-twyxte March and Maye, [lf 1, bk] knights, Whan kynde corage begynneth to pryke, when, in the time Whan̄ ffritħ and felde wexen gaye, between March and And every wight desirith his like, 44 May, Whan̄ lovers slepen̄ withe opyn̄ yȝe, As Nightyngalis on grene tre, And sore desire þat thai cowde flye, That thay myghte withe here lou«er»e be: 48 This worthy Sowdon̄ in this seson̄ he went to the chase Shope him to grene woode to goon̄, To chase the Bore or the Veneson̄, The Wolfe, the Bere and the Bawson. 52 He roode tho vppon̄ a fforeste stronde in a wood near the With grete rowte and roialte, sea. The fairest, þat was in alle þat londe, With Alauntes, Ly«m»meris and Racches free. 56 His huntes to chace he co«m»maunde, Here Bugles boldely for to blowe, To fere the beestis in þat launde. [p003 OF THE CAPTURE OF A SARACEN SHIP BY THE ROMANS.] The Sowdon̄ woxe wery I-nowe; 60 Being weary with He rested him vndere an holme tre hunting, he sat down Sittynge vppon̄ a grene sete under a holm tree, Seynge a Dromonde com seilyng in þ^e see and, seeing a dromond Anone he charged to bekyn̄ him w«i»t«h» sailing on the sea, he honde 64 charged one to enquire To here of him tidinges newe. for news concerning the The maist«er» sende a man to londe, ship. The interpreter Of diuers langages was gode and trewe, of the vessel being And saide “lorde, this Dromonde[93] 68 sent ashore, informed Fro Babyloyne comen̄ is, the soudan, that this That was worþe thousande poundis, dromond, freighted at As[94] it mete with shrewes I-wis, Babylon, with a cargo Charged with perle and p«re»cious stones 72 of rich furs, spices, And riche pelure and spicerye, oil, brass and pearls, With oyle and bras qweynte for the nones intended as a present To presente yow, my lorde worthy. to the soudan, had been A drift of wedi[rh] vs droffe to Rome, 76 driven by stress of The Romaynes robbed vs anone; weather to Rome, where Of vs thai slowgh ful many one. they had been robbed by With sorwe and care we be bygone. the Romans. Whereof, lorde, remedye 80 [leaf 3] Ye ordeyne by youre Barons boolde, Therefore he solicited To wreke the of this vilane; that the soudan would Or certes oure blis is coolde.” take revenge on those The Soudon hirynge this tyþinge, 84 who had done such With egre chere he made a vowe villainy to him. To Mahounde and to Appolyne, The soudan, hearing That thai shulde by it dere I-nowe, these tidings, made Er that he wente fro theyme.[95] 88 a vow to Mahound and “Where be ye, my kinges boolde, to Apolyn, that they My Barons and my Admyral? should dearly pay for Thes tidinges make myn herte coolde, it. But I be venged, dyen I shalle. 92 ‘Ferumbras, my son,’ he Sire Ferumbras, my sone so dere, said, ‘and my daughter Ye muste me comforte in this case; Floripas, ye must [p004 THE SOUDAN STARTS FROM AGREMORE] My ioye is alle in the nowe here be my comfort in this And in my Doghter Dame Florypas. 96 case. Sortybraunce, my Counselere, Order Sortibrance, Lete clepe him forthe to counsaile me, my counsellor, to be And Oliborne, my Chauncelere called for, and my And noble Clerke of hie degre, 100 chancellor Oliborn, And Espiarde, my messangere, and Espiard my To goon to Assye and to Aufrike, messenger, that he To kinges, princes fer[rh] and ne[rh], may go to Africa and Barons, Admyralls and Dukes frike, 104 to Asia and to all Comaundinge hem vppon̄ her legeaunce the princes, who owe To come in al hast vnto me, me allegiance, and Wel Armed with shelde and launse, command them hastily to To Egremoure þon̄ riche Cite.” 108 assemble with shield In shorte tyme this message was wroghte and lance at Agremore.’ An hundred thouusande on a rowte In a short time 100,000 That robbery was righte dere boght, men had assembled. Was never none derrer without«en» douȝte. 112 On the advice of The kinge of Baldas, sir Lukafe[rh], Lukafer, Of Aufryke lorde and governoure, king of Baldas, Spake to the Sowdon̄, that me«n» myghte the soudan also here, brought together 700 And saide “sir, for thyn honou[rh], 116 sail and a Do sende for shippes both fe[rh] and dromond for himself, nere.” for Ferumbras of Carrikes, Galeis and shippes shene, Alexandrie, for the vij hundred were gadered al in fere Asiatic king of And a Dromonde for the Sowden̄ kene. 120 [leaf 4] Chaunder and Sir Ferumbras of Alisaundre for Floripas. There In the Dromonde with him was, were two masters in Of Assy the kinge of Chaunde[rh], that vessel, and two And his faire dogħter Floripas. 124 idols placed on the Two maistres were in the Dromounde, main top, with round Two goddes on hye seten̄ thore maces, therewith to In the maister toppe, withe macis rounde, menace the Christians. To manace with the Cristen̄ lore. 128 The sails of red The sailes were of rede Sendelle, sendal-silk were Embrowdred witħ riche araye, [p005 TO INVADE ROME WITH A GREAT ARMY.] With beestes and breddes every dele, richly embroidered That was right curious and gaye; 132 with figures of The Armes displaied of Laban animals and birds. Of Asure and foure lions of goolde. Four golden lions, the Of Babiloyne the riche Sowdon̄, arms of the soudan of Moost myghty man he was of moolde, 136 Babylon, were also He made a vowe to Termagaunte, displayed thereon. Whan Rome were distroied & hade Laban made a vow to myschau«n»ce, Termagant, to destroy He woolde turne ayen erraunte Rome, and after that And distroye Charles the kinge of Fraunce. 140 Charlemagne. Fortħ thai sailed on the flode, Having disembarked in Tille thai come to the haven of Rome: the haven of Rome, The wynde hem served, it was ful goode. they slew all Ther londed many a grymlye gome. 144 Christians, and burned Thai brente and slowen, þat Cristen were, towns, abbeys and Town̄, Abbey and holy chirche. churches. The hethen hade such power there, The Pope of Rome, That moche woo gan thai there wircħ. 148 hearing of the heathens Tidinggis came to Rome anone laying waste the whole Unto the Pope, that þ^t tyme was, country, That the heþen came to bren and slone. This was to hem a sory cas. 152 He lete cal his counsaile to-geder assembled his council. To wete, what was beste to don̄. Anone as thai were come þede[rh], He asked of hem al ful sone: 156 “Lordinges, it is vnknowne[96] to you, That this cursed hathen Sowdon̄ Bre«n»nyth and stroyeth oure pepul nowe, Alive he leveth vnneth not one. 160 Seint Petir be oure governoure [leaf 5] And save this worthi Cite of Rome, And Seinte Poule be oure gydoure From this cursed hethen̄ houne[97]!” 164 Ifreȝ he bispake him than̄, Jeffrez, a senator [p006 SAVARIS LEADS THE CHRISTIAN TROOPS] Of Rome he was a Senatoure, of Rome, advised that And saide “senditħ some worthy man worthy men should be To Charles kinge of hye honoure. 168 sent to Charles of He wolde you helpe with al his mygħte, Douce France to implore That noble kinge of Dowse Fraunce.” his assistance. “Certes” q«uo»d Savaris “þat weren no But Duke Savariz, rigħte, thinking this to be It were right a foule myschaunce, 172 a wretched piece of To sende to þat worthy kinge. timidity, We have oure hedes yet al hole, as they had not tried Oure sheldes be not broke no-thinge, anything for Hawberke, spere, ner poleyne, ner pole. 176 themselves, Where-of shul we playn̄ to him, That no thinge yet have assaide? Mecħ uylanye we myght wynne, That for noght were so sone afrayed. 180 Ten thousande men delyu«er»e me tyte asked for 10,000 men Tomorue next in-to the feelde, to be put under his And I shall prove with al my myghte command. To breke there bothe spere and shelde.” 184 Vnto the Senatours it semed welle, His counsaile goode and honurable. This worthi Duke was armed in stele In armes goode and profitable; 188 He bare a Chek of goulis clere, An Egle of goolde abrode displayed. With him many a bolde Bachelere Tho spake Savaryȝ witħ wordes on hye 192 The next morning the And saide “my felowes alle, duke addressed his men, This daie prove you men̄ worthy, And faire you al shal befalle. Thenke yat Criste is more myghty 196 Than here fals goddis alle; And he shal geve vs the victorie, And foule shal hem this day bifalle.” Fortħ than rode þat faire Ooste 200 and directed them to With right goode chere and randon̄, the soudan’s [p007 AGAINST THE SARACENS AND CONQUERS THEM.] Tille than come ful nyȝe the cooste. pavilion near the Of the Sowdons Pavylon̄ shore. Ferumbras was of hem ware 204 [leaf 6] Ferumbras, And sprange out as a sparkil of glede; that doughty Of Armes bright a sheelde he bare, warrior, becoming aware A Doughty man̄ he was of dede. of them, led xv thousande came oute there 208 15,000 men against the With him at þat same tyde, Romans. Ayen the Romaynes for to were, Witħ bobaunce, booste and grete pride. The stoure was stronge, enduryn[g|] longe: 212 The Romaynes hade there the feelde; The Sarysyns thai slougħ amonge, Ten thousand and mo with spere and sheelde. 10,000 and more of the Sauariz was wise and ware 216 Saracens were slain, And drowe towards þat Citee. and the Romans, though His baner displaied witħ him he bare victorious, were led To releve with his meyne. back to Rome by the The Pope with his Senatours 220 cautious Savaris. Thanked god þat tyme of glorie, The Pope thanked God That gafe hem þat day grete honours, for the victory. Of hethen that dai to have the victorie. Lukafer of Baldas Lukafere, kinge of Baldas, 224 having scoured the The countrey hade serchid and sought, country, Ten thousande maidyns faire of face brought 10,000 maidens Vnto the Sowdan hath he broghte. to the soudan, who The Sowdon̄ co«m»manded hem anone, 228 ordered them to be That thai shulde al be slayn̄. slain, Martires thai were eu«er»ychon̄, saying, he would And therof were thai al ful fayne. not have his people He saide “my peple nowe ne shalle 232 polluted by them, and With hem noughte defouled be, he would destroy every But I wole distroie ou«er» all Christian seed. The sede over alle Cristiante.” Lukafer said to the Tho spake lukefere the kinge, 236 soudan: That hethen̄ hounde Baldas, [p008 THE NEXT DAY LUKAFER ASSAULTS THE CITY,] And saide “Sir Sowdan̄, g«ra»unte me one “Grant me thy daughter thinge, and I will bring thee Thi doghter Dame Floripas. Charlemagne and all his The kinge of Fraunce I shal the bringe 240 twelve peers.” And the xij dosipers alle in fere.” Laban assented; but The Sowdan saide in þat tokenyn[g|], Floripas said, she “I g«ra»unte the here, that is so dere.” would only consent to Tho sayde Floripe “sire, noon̄ haste, 244 be his darling, He hath note done as he hath saide. I trowe, he speketh these wordes in waste, [leaf 7] He wole make bute an easy brayde. Whan he bryngith home Charles the kinge 248 when he had taken And the xij dosipers alle, Charles and the I g«ra»unte to be his derlynge douzepeers. What so evere therof by-falle. The next morning the Than on the morowe the Sowdan̄ 252 soudan ordered Lukafer Callid to him Lukafe[rh] of Baldas, to assault the City To assaile the Cite anone: with 30,000 men. “And loke thou tary not in this cas! Thritty thousande of my menie, 256 Of Gallopes, Ethiopes and Aufricanes, Take hem to the walles witħ the. Betitħ down̄ wallis, towris and stones.” Lukafe[rh] blewe his clarion̄ 260 To Assemble the Sarasyns þat tide, Where-of thai knewe right welle the soune, Thai made hem redy for to ride, But whan thai come to the yate, 264 The Dikes were so develye depe, The Saracens, finding Thai helde hem selfe Chek-mate; the ditches too deep, Ouer cowde thai nothir goo nor crepe. cannot pass, and are Lukafe[rh] in al the haste 268 Turned to the Sowdan agayn̄ obliged to return. And saide “sir, it is alle in waste, We laboure nowe alle in vayne. To depe and brode the Dikes bene, 272 The Towres so stronge be witħ alle, [p009 BUT THE HEATHENS ARE OBLIGED TO WITHDRAW.] That by Mahounde I can note seen̄, How that we shulde wyne ther to the walle.” Who was woode but the Sowdon̄? 276 He reneyed his goddis alle. He clepede his Engyno«ur» sir mavone, The soudan calls for To counsaile he did him faste calle. his engineer Mavon, He tolde him the case of þat myschefe, 280 How it stode at that ilke tyde. Mavon Gafe him counsel in breefe who advised him to fill To fille the Dikes þat were depe.[98] the ditch Every man to woode shal goon̄, 284 Fagotis to hewe and faste bynde, with fagots. And fille the Dikes faste anoon̄ With alle, that we may ther fynde. “Gramercy, Mavon̄,” q«uo»d Laban than̄, 288 Laban thanks his wise “Mahoundis benysone thou shalt haue, engineer. Of alle myn Ooste the wiseste man, [leaf 8] With counsaile men for to saue.” Alle this was done the seconde daye, 292 The following day, the Men myght go even to the walle; ditch being filled with On every party the ooste laye, fagots, the city Thai made assaite[99] then generalle. was assaulted from all The Romaynes ronnen̄ to the toures, 296 quarters. The Romans Thai were in ful grete dowte; ran to the towers, and Thai hade many sharpe shoures, a sharp conflict Thai were assailed sore a-bowte. ensued. Wifis and maidyns stones thai bare 300 Women and maidens To the walles than ful faste, carried stones which Thai were in grete drede and care; the The men over the wallis did caste. men threw over the Thai slowen many a Sarasyn̄, 304 walls. x «thousande»[100] pepul of hem̄ and moo. 10,000 Saracens were The daie passed to the fyne, slain and The hethen withdrowe hem tho. the heathens obliged to Whan these tidinges came to laban, 308 withdraw. [p010 LUKAFER ENTERS THE MAIN TOWER OF ROME.] His goddes he gan chide. Laban chides his gods He waxe both blake, pale and wan, and nearly grows mad He was nyȝe woode þat same tyde. with vexation. But Tho Lukafer comfortede him welle 312 Lukafer told him that, And saide “sir, be not dismayed, having espied that For I have aspied everydele, Savaris would, the Howe thai shalle alle be betrayede. following day, come Sauariz wole to morowe witħ us fighte, 316 out again to fight His baner knowe I ful welle; with them, he would I shal have an othere, I yoᶙ plighte, have a banner made Like to this every dele. exactly like his, which Whan he is moste besy in bataile, 320 when Savaris was much Than wole I with banere displaiede engaged in the battle, Ride in to Rome w«i»t«h»out faile, he would unfold and Thus shal thai al be betrayede.” enter Rome. The Sowdan̄ was glad of this tidinge, 324 Hopinge it shulde be so; And even as it was in purposynge, And so it Right so was it aftir I-do. turned out; the Romans Wenynge it hade be Sauarye, 328 mistaking him for Relevinge fro the hethen stou[rh], Savaris, returning from Wenynge doth ofte harme w«i»t«h»oute lye, his sally, he entered He entred to the maist«er» Toure. the main tower, The firste warde thus thay wo«n»ne 332 [leaf 9] By this fals contrevede engyne. Thus was moche sorowe bygon̄, Thai slougħ all, that were ther-Inne. and slew all therein. Whan̄ Sauariz saugħ this discomfitu[rh] 336 Savaris becoming aware Of the Romaynes in that tyme, of the artifice of the And howe harde than̄ was here aventu[rh], enemy, Of sorowe þat myghte he ryme Of x thousande men̄ lefte no moo 340 and seeing out of But sexty men̄ and twelfe, 10,000 Romans no more And whan he sawe this myschief tho, than seventy-two left, He turned homewarde agayn him selue. turned back, but found By than̄ he founde the gate shite 344 the gate shut, [p011 THE POPE DESPATCHES MESSENGERS TO CHARLEMAGNE.] With Sarisyns, that hade it wone; And Estragot with him he mette With bores hede, blake and donne. For as a bore an hede hadde 348 And a grete mace stronge as stele. He smote Sauaryz as he were madde, and was slain by That dede to grounde he felle. Estragot, a black giant This Astrogot of Ethiop, 352 of Ethiopia. He was a kinge of grete strengtħ; Ther was none suche in Europe So stronge and so longe in lengtħ. I trowe, he were a develes sone, 356 Of Belsabubbis lyne, For ever he was thereto I-wone, To do Cristen̄ men grete pyne. Whan tidinggis came to the [P]ope, 360 After the death of That Duke Sauaryz was dede slayn̄, Savaris, the Pope Than̄ to woo turned alle his hope; He dide calle than̄ to counsaile summoned his council Alle the Senatouris of Rome, 364 again. What þinge þat myght hem most availe, And what were beste to done. Tho by-spake a worthy man of counsaile, An Erille of the Senatouris: 368 An earl of the “The best counsaile, þat I can senatours suggested the necessity of Sending vnto Charles the kinge[101] dispatching messengers Certifiynge him by your myssangeris to Charlemagne, The myschief þat ye are Inne, 372 imploring him to come That he come with his Dosyperys to their deliverance. To reskue Cristiante fro this heþen.” [leaf 10] All thai assentede anone therto; They all assented. The l«ett»res were made in haste. 376 Three messengers, with Thre messageres we ordeyn̄[102] therto, letters written in That went forthe at the laste. haste, [p012 THE SARACENS THROW DOWN A BASTILE OF ROME.] At a posterne thai wente oute left the city by a Pryvely aboute mydnygħt, 380 postern at midnight, And passed through alle the route. and passed the enemy’s Of hem was war no wigħt. camp without being BVT let we nowe the messangeris goon̄, noticed by any wight. And speke we of Laban̄, 384 Howe he dide saile the Cite anoon̄, And co«m»maundid, þat every man Laban commanded every Shulde withe Pikeys or witħ bille man to throw pikes and The Wallis over throwe, 388 bills over the walls, That he myght the Romaynes kille, to kill the Romans. Playnly on a rowe, By water he ordeynede the shippes goon̄, He ordered the ships The bootis bownden to the maste, 392 to go up the water, That thai myght fight with hem anoon̄, with their boats bound Honde of honde, þat was here caste. to the mast, that they To the Toure a bastile stode, might fight in close An engyne was I-throwe— 396 combat. That was to the Cite ful goode— Near the tower there And brake down̄ towres both hie and lowe. stood a bastile which Tho sorowede alle the Citesyns formed a principal And were ful hevy than̄. 400 protection to the city. Tho wox prowde the Sarasyns, It was laid low by And than bispake sire laban stones hurled from an And saide “yolde youe here to me, engine. Ye may not longe endure, 404 Laban, growing proud, Or ellis shall ye al slayn̄ be, summoned the Romans to By mahounde I you ensure.” surrender. A Romayne drife a darte him to Instead of an answer, a And smote him on the breste plate, 408 Roman hurled a dart at Ne hadde his hawberke lasted tho, his breast-plate, but Mahounde had come to late. his hauberk shielded Tho was the Sowdon̄ more þan̄ wod, him. He cried to Ferumbras, 412 The soudan, more than “For Mahoundes loue, þat is so good, mad, charged Ferumbras Destroye vp bothe man and place. to destroy them all, [p013 ESTRAGOT IS CRUSHED BY A PORTCULLIS.] Spare no thinge that is alyve, Hows, Toure ner Walle, 416 [leaf 11] Beest, ner man, Childe nere Wife, Brenne, slo and distroye alle.” Tho Ferumbras ordeynede anone To bende the Engynes to the town̄ 420 And bete down̄ botħ Toure and stoon̄. He cleped fortħ Fortibraunce and Mavon̄ and enjoined And saide “be youre Engynes goode? Fortibrance and Mavon Shewe forth here nowe your crafte 424 to direct their For Mahoundis love, þat gevith man foode, engines against the That ther be no Toure lafte.” walls. Tho the grete gloton̄ Estagote[103] The great glutton With his myghty mace sware 428 Estragot, with his On the Gatis of Rome he smote heavy mace, And brake hem alle on thre thare. smote on the gates In he entrid at the Gate and brake them in The Porte-Colis on him thai lete falle. 432 pieces. He wende, he hade come to late, But as he was It smote him through herte, lyuer and entering one of the galle. gates, they let the He lai cryande at the grounde portcullis fall, Like a develle of Helle; 436 which crushed him to Through the Cite wente the sowne, the ground, So lowde than gan he yelle. where he lay crying Gladde were al the Romaynes, like a devil. That he was take in the trappe, 440 The Romans were glad, And sorye were al the Sarsyns but the Saracens Of þat myschevos happe. grieved. Sory was the Soudon̄ than̄ And Ferumbras and Lukafe[rh]. 444 They withdrew to Thai drowe hem tille her tent«es» than̄, their tents, leaving Thai left him ligginge there. behind the corpse of Mahounde toke his soule to him Estragot, whose soul And broght it to his blis. 448 went up to Mahound. He loued him wel and al his kyn, [p014 THE POPE ATTEMPTS A SALLY.] Of þat myghte he not mys. Anone the [P]ope dide somon̄ alle; The Pope called all The peple of the Cite came, 452 his people to St. To Seinte Petris he dide hem calle, Peter’s, And thidere came every man. He saide on hie “my Children dere, and proposed to them Ye wote wel, howe it is; 456 Ayenst the Sarisyns, þat nowe be here, We mowe not longe endure I-wis. Thay brekene oure walles, oure Toures alle [leaf 12] With caste of his Engyne. 460 Therefore here amonge yoᶙ alle Ye shalle here counsaile myne. Thai bene withdrawe to here Oost,[104] And on-armede thay ben alle. 464 Therfore, me thenketh, is beste to attempt a sally To-morowe erly on hem to falle. with 20,000 men, to We have xxx^{ti} thousande men; attack the enemy Twenty thousande shal go witħ me, 468 before day-break And in this Cite leve ten within their camp, To governe the comynalte.” and to leave 10,000 The Senatouris assentede sone for the guard of the And saide, bet«er» myghte no man seyne. 472 city. The senators On the morowe this was it done[105]; assented. God bringe hem wele home agayne. In the morning The Pope did display than the Pope displayed The hie baner of Rome, 476 the banner of Rome, And he assoiled every man̄ Througħ gracious god in Dome. He praide of helpe and socou[rh] and after a prayer Seinte Petir and Poule also 480 for the preservation And oure lady, þat swete floure, of the city, To saue the Cite of Rome from woo. they marched out. Forth thai riden̄ towarde the Oost. But Ferumbras, going Ferumbras romede a-boute; 484 his rounds, [p015 FERUMBRAS DRAWS UP THE SARACEN TROOPS.] He saw the Romaynes comen̄ by the Cost,[106] discovered their Thereof he hade grete dowte. coming, He blewe an horne, of bras it was; sounded the alarm, The Sarsyns be-gon̄ to wake. 488 “Arise vp” he saide in aras,[107] “We bene elles alle I-take, And Armes anone, every wight, To horse with spere and shelde! 492 Ye may se here a ferefu[l~l] sighte Of oure enemyes in the felde. Astopars,[108] goo ye biforne vs, and drew up his For ye be men of myghte; 496 troops. Ethiopes, Assayneȝ and Askalous, Go nexte afore my sighte. My Fadir and I with Babyloynes, Ho[109] shal kepe the rerewarde. 500 King Lukafe[rh] with Baldeseynes, To venge alle, shalle have the Fowarde.” [leaf 13] The Romaynes aspied, þat thai were ware Of here comynge than̄, 504 And therfore hade thay moche care. Natheles on he«m» thai gon̄— Seinte Petir be here socoure!— And laiden on side, bake and bon̄. 508 There bigan a sturdy shoure There began a hard Sire [110]Ferumbras of Alisaundre oon̄,[111] struggle. That bolde man was in dede, Vppon a steede Cassaundre gaye, 512 He roode in riche Weede. Sire Bryer of Poyle a Romayne to fraye Ferumbras slew Sir He bare through witħ a spere, Bryer of Apulia Dede to the grounde ther he lan̄ 516 Might he no more hem dere! [p016 A GREAT MANY ARE SLAIN ON EITHER SIDE.] That sawe Huberte, a worthy man, Howe Briere was I-slayn̄, Ferumbras to qwite than̄ 520 To him he rode ful even̄. With a spere vppone his shelde þan̄ Stifly ganne he strike; The shelde he brake I-myddis the feelde; 524 His Hawberke wolde not breke. Many goode strokes were delte. Ferumbras was a-greved tho, He smote with mayne and mygħte 528 and the worthy Hubert. The nekke asonder, the ventayle also, That dede he sate vprighte. There was bataile harde and stronge; Many a steede wente ther a-straye, 532 And leyen at the grounde I-stonge, That resyn never aftyr that day, IX thousand of the payens pride 9000 pagans were That day were slayn̄, 536 killed, And viij thousande of the Romaynes side, and 8000 Romans. That in the feelde dede lay«n»e. Lukafere, þat paynym proude, Lukafer destroyed Slough Romaynes eyȝtene, 540 eighteen Romans, Of wer[rh] moche sorowe he coude, he also slew Gyndard, His strokes were over alle sene. a senator of Rome, Gyndarde, a Senatoure of Rome, who had slain ten Had slayne Sarsenys ten̄, 544 [leaf 14] Saracens. Tille he met with the cursed gome, Lukifere slough him than. Tho come the Pope with grete aray, Then came the Pope His baner to-fore him wente. 548 with a great guard Ferumbras than gan̄ to assaye, and his banner before If he myght that praye entente, him. Supposynge in this though[t]e, Ferumbras, supposing Ther was the souerayne; 552 him to be the He spared him therfore rigħt nogħt, sovereign, [p017 FERUMBRAS ENCOUNTERS THE POPE.] But bare him down̄ ther in þ^e playn̄. burst open the thick Anoon̄ he sterte on him all ane crowd and threw him His Ventayle for to onlace, 556 down to the ground. And saugh his crown̄ newe shafe, But seeing his A-shamed thanne he was. tonsure, he was “Fye, preest, god gyfe the sorowe! ashamed. What doist thou armede in the feelde, 560 “Fie, priest,” That sholdest saie thi matyns on morwe, he said, “what What doist thoᶙ witħ spere and shelde? doest thou in the I hoped, thoᶙ hadiste ben̄ an Emp«er»oure, battle-field? Or a Cheftayne of this Ooste here, 564 Or some worthy conqueroure. Go home and kepe thy Qwe[rh]! Shame it were to me certayne It would be a shame To sle the in this bataile, 568 for me to slay thee. Therfore turne the home agayn̄!” Go home and think of The Pope was gladde þ«er»-of certayne,[112] thy choir-service!” He wente home to Rome that nyght The Pope retired with Witħ Five thousande and no more, 572 5000 men, XV thousande lefte in the feelde aplight, 15,000 being killed. Full grete sorowe was therfore. NOWE telle we of the messange[rh], That wente to Charlemayne, 576 Charlemagne, having Certyfyinge him by lettres dere, learned from the Howe the Romaynes were slayne, messenger the great And howe the Contrey brente was disaster which had Vnto the Gate of Rome, 580 befallen the Romans, And howe the people song ‘alas,’ Tille socoure from him come. “Who” q«uo»d Charles, that worthy kinge, said, he would not “The Sowdon̄ and Ferumbras? 584 desist until he had I nyl lette for no thinge, [leaf 15] chased the Till I him oute of Cristendome chace. soudan and Ferumbras Therefore Gy of Burgoyn̄, out of Christendom. Mynne owen nevewe so trewe, 588 [p018 THE SARACENS AGAIN ATTACK THE CITY.] Take a thausande pounde of Frankis fyne, He gave 1000 pounds To wage wytħ the pepul newe. of francs to his Take this with the nowe at this tyme, nephew Guy of And more I wole sende the, 592 Burgundy, Loke that thou spare no hors ne shelde, and sent him off with But þat he dede be; orders to advance And faste hye the thyderwarde, against the soudan by For I drede thay haue grete nede, 596 forced marches. And I shalle come aftirwarde Himself would follow As faste, as I may me spede.” as soon as possible. SPEKE we of Sir Laban̄ And let Charles and Gy be, 600 Howe he ordeyned for hem than̄ To Distroye Rome Citee. “Sir Lukafe[rh], thou madiste thi boost Laban reminded To conque[rh] the Romaynes 604 Lukafer of his And to bringe me the Ooste vaunting promise to Of the xij peris and Charlemayne. bring him Charlemagne Vppon̄ a condicion̄ I graunte the and his douzepeers, My doghter, dere Dame Floripas. 608 in return for his Wherefore, I aske nowe of the daughter Floripas. To holde coven«au»nte in this cas.” “That I saide” q«uo»d Lucafere, Lukafer said, he “To Mahounde I make a vowe 612 would do all he had To done al þat I hight the the[rh], promised. Ye and more th«a»n[113] for Florip love.” He ordeyned assaute anone in haste With 10,000 men he With x thousande men and moo; 616 attacked the city on And Ferumbras at that oþ«er» side faste one side, the other Assailed hem with grete woo. being assaulted by The saute endured al þ«a»t daye Ferumbras. The combat From morowe, tille it was nyght, 620 continues as long as To throwe and shete by eu«er»y waye, daylight lasts. At While that hem endured the light. night they retired to Tho wente thai home to thai[rh] tentys, their tents. [p019 THEY ENTER ROME BY TREASON.] Tille it were on the morowe. 624 Isres, who possessed Isres in his fals ententes by inheritance Purposed treson̄ and sorowe. the guard of the He was chief Porter of the Town̄, [leaf 16] principal By heritage and fee so he shulde be. 628 gate, planned treason. He wente to the Sowdan̄, He repaired to the For the riche Cite betraye woolde he, soudan and offered to And saide “lorde, gife me grace betray the city on For my goodes and for me, 632 condition that his And I wole del«yu»er the this place life and property To haue and holde for ever in fee. should be spared. The keyes of this riche Cite I haue in my bandon.” 636 “That gr«a»unte I” q«uo»d Laban “the The soudan promised To be free withoute raunson̄.” it. Ferumbras made him yare, Ferumbras with 20,000 With xx^{ti} thousand men̄ and moo, 640 men went with Isres. With this Isres for to fare, And to wynne the Cite soo. As sone as he entred was On entering the gate, The chief Gate of alle, 644 And alle his men in aras,[114] he caused the He lete the Portcolys falle. traitor’s head to be He smote of the traitourus hede struck off by the And saide “god gife him care! 648 portcullis, and Shal he never more ete brede, All traito«ur»s evel mot[115] thai fare! If he myght leve and reigne here, He wolde betraye me; 652 For go he west, soutħ or Nortħ, Traito«ur» shalle he never be.” to be carried on the He dide lete bere his hede on a spere point of a spear Througħ-oute this faire Citee. 656 through the city. ‘Treson, treson̄’ thai cried there, “Treason,” cried the Pite it was to here and see. people within, [p020 FERUMBRAS TAKES THE RELICS TO AGREMORE.] The people fled by every waye, Thai durst no-where a-bide. 660 The hye wey ful of dede men laye, and all streets were And eke by every lanys side. soon covered with Ferumbras to Seinte Petris wente, dead men. Ferumbras And alle the Relekes he seased anoon̄, 664 went to St. Peter’s, The Crosse, the Crown̄, the Nailes bente; seized the relics, He toke hem with him everychone. the cross, the crown He dide dispoile al the Cite and the nails, Both of tresoure and of goolde, 668 And after that brente he [leaf 17] burned Alle þat ever myght be toolde. the whole city, and And alle the tresoure witħ hem þai bare carried away all the To the Cite of Egremou[rh]. 672 treasures and the Laban the Sowdon̄ soiourned there[116] gold to Agremore, Thre monþes and thre dayes more where the soudan went In myrtħ and Ioye and grete solas. to stay. Three months And to his goddes offrynge he made, 676 and three days they He and his sone Sir Ferumbras spent there in great Here goddis of golde dide fade, festivities, making Thai brente Franken̄sense, offerings to their That smoked vp so stronge, 680 gods, and burning The Fume in her presence, frankincense in their It lasted alle alonge. honour. Thai blewe hornes of bras, Thai dronke beestes bloode. 684 They drank the blood Milke and hony ther was, of beasts and milk, That was roial and goode. and ate honey and Serpentes in Oyle were fryed snakes fried in oil. To serve þ^e Sowdon̄ with alle, 688 “Antrarian Antrarian” thai lowde cryed That signyfied ‘Ioye generalle.’ Thus thai lived in Ioye and blis Two monþes or thre. 692 Lete we now be alle this, [p021 GUY AND CHARLEMAGNE APPROACH.] And of Gye nowe speke we. NOW speke we of Sir Gȳe That toward Rome hied witħ his Oost. 696 Whan̄ he approched there-to so nyȝe, When Sir Guy drew That he myght se the cooste, near Rome, finding Alle on a flame þat Cite was, the whole city in That thre myle al abowte, 700 flames, Ther durst no man̄, þat ther was, Come nyȝe the Cite for grete dowte. That was a sory Cite than, Sir Gye was in grete care, 704 he grieved much Ther was nowhere a soryer man̄, For sorowe he sighed ful sare, And saide “welallas”[117] the while “For we come ar to late, 708 that he had arrived For by some treson or some gyle too late. Thai entred in at some Gate. There is no more but for to abyde, He resolved there to Tille Charles come, the kinge, 712 wait for Charlemagne In this mede Vnder grene wode side, [leaf 18] To telle him of this tithinge, and then to tell him, Howe Laban hath the Cite brente how Laban had burnt And bore the Religes[118] a-waye, 716 the city, and had And howe he hath hem to Spayne sente sent the relics to With Shippes of grete aray, Agremore, To Egremou[rh] his chief Cite, his principal town in Ther to live and ende; 720 Spain. And manassitħ Charles and his baronye. God gife hem evelle ende!” Kinge Charles he forgate nought King Charles advanced To come to reskowe Rome, 724 to rescue Rome with Alle his Doȝypers were I-sought, his douzepeers Fulle sone to him thay come. Thre hundred thousande of Sowdeoures and 300,000 soldiers. [p022 CHARLES HEARS OF THE MISCHIEF DONE BY THE SARACENS.] Kinge Charles with him dide lede, 728 They were doughty in all stourys And worthy men of dede. Sir Roulande þat worthy knighte, Roland led the He ladde the Fowarde, 732 vanguard, And Sir Olyue[rh], that was so wighte, Oliver the rear, Gouerned the Rerewarde. The Kinge himselfe and his Baronye, the king was With Dukes And Erilles roialle, 736 Gouerned alle the medil partye. with the main body. By co«m»maundemente generall He ordeynede grete plente The provisions Of Flessh and Fissh, brede and wyne, 740 In shippes to saile by the see, were conveyed by sea. To serven him ful wel and fyne. Sir Gye aspied his comynge, Guy seeing them come, He knewe the baner of Fraunce, 744 went to He wente anoon̄ ayen the kinge meet the king, and And tolde him of þat myschaunce, told him the mischief Howe that the cursed Sowdan̄ done by the soudan, Hath brent Rome and bore the Relekis awaye, 748 And how he hath slayn̄ alle and some, That he hatħ founde of Cristen̄ faye. And more-over he made his a-vowe, who moreover had made To seke kinge Charles in Fraunce 752 a vow to seek Charles And do him wo ther I-nowe. in France in order “God gif him moch myschaunce!”— to afflict him with “A” q«uo»[d+] Charles “þat neditħ noght, grief. [leaf 19] “He He shal fynde me nere. 756 will find me near,” By god, þat dere me bogħt, said Charles, “and He shal by it ful dere. shall dearly pay for I shalle him never leve I-wis it. Withinne walle ner witħoute, 760 I swere by god and seinte Denys, Tille I have sought him oute; Unless he consents to And but if he will Baptised be be baptized, [p023 HE GOES OVER TO SPAIN.] And lefe his fals laye, 764 Babyloyne shal he never see he never shall see For alle his grete aray.” Babylon again.” They Anoon to shippe every man̄ all took ship without With vitaile and with store, 768 delay. Euen towarde the proud Sawdan̄ With-outen̄ any more. Wynde him blewe ful fayre and goode Into the Ryver of Gaȝe, 772 Propitious winds Even over the salte flode drove them into the And ouer the profounde rase. river Gase, where XXX legeeȝ from Egremou[rh] they landed, 30 miles By londe for south it is, 776 from Agremore, And ther withoute any more To londe thai wente I-wis, And brente and sloughen̄ al þ«a»t thai fonde, and laid waste the And stroyed both Toure and town̄. 780 country. Thai lefte no thinge on grounde, That thai ne bete it down̄. Tithinggis were tolde to Laban, Laban, hearing this Howe Charles was I-come 784 news, And slough bouth childe, wyfe, man And brente and stroyed alle and some With thre hundred thousand of Bacheleris, That were both stoute and gaye, 788 And with him al his Dosyperis, Pepul of grete araye. “And but ye ordeyne remedy, He wole you brenne and sloon̄, 792 Youe and youre riche Baronye, He wole leve a-life neu«er»e oon̄.” Whan Laban herde these tidyngys, His herte woxe alle coolde 796 And saide “this is a wonder thinge! [leaf 20] Howe durste he be so boolde? was astonished at Litill ke«n»nyth he what I may doo, Charles’s presumption. [p024 A GREAT BATTLE ENSUES.] He dredith me litil nowe. 800 But certes he shalle, e[rh] he goo, To Mahounde I make a vowe. Sir Lucafe[rh] and Ferumbras He assembled all his To him dide he calle 804 barons, And Mavon̄ and Sortebras And his Barons alle. I charge you vppon̄ youre legeaunce, That ye bringe me that gloton, 808 and charged them to That clepeth himselfe kinge of Fraunce, bring him alive that Hidere to my Pavilon̄. glutton that called Kepe him a-live, the remenaunte sle himself king of The xij Peris ychoon̄! 812 France, and to slay I shalle tech him curtesye, the remnant. I swere by god Mahounde.” Ferumbras anoon̄ than Ferumbras went forth Arrayed him for to ride 816 with many Saracens. With proude Sarasyns many a man, That boldely durst a-bide. Rowlande met with Ferumbras He meets with Roland. And gafe him such a stroke 820 That al astonyed þerof he was, It made him lowe to stoupe. Ferombras smote him agayne They deal each other With myghte and may«n», with ire 824 heavy strokes. That he stenyed alle his brayne, Him thought, his eyen̄ were alle on fyre. With Lucafe[rh] Olive[rh] mette, Oliver cuts off a And hit him on the sheelde 828 quarter of Lukafer’s A stroke, that was right wel sette; shield. A quarter flye in the feelde. Thus thai hurteled to-gedere The combat lasted the Alle the lefe longe daye, 832 whole day. Nowe hider and nowe theder; Mony an hors wente ther astraye. Well fought the The Dosyperis thay foughten wele, twelve peers. [p025 CHARLES ENCOUNTERS FERUMBRAS AND LUKAFER.] Duke Neymys and Oge[rh], 836 With goode swerdes of fyne stele And so dide Gye and Syr Brye[rh]. Ferumbras was euer a-bowte [leaf 21] To fyghte witħ Olyvere, 840 Ferumbras charges And Olyue[rh] with-oute dowte Oliver. Leyde on with goode chere. Kinge Charles saugh Ferumbras, King Charles, seeing To him fast he rode 844 this, rides on to And it on the helme witħ his mace, Ferumbras, That stroke sadlye abode. and strikes his helm Ferumbras was woode for woo, with his heavy mace. He myght for prees come him to 848 Ferumbras cannot For no worldis thinge, that myght be tho. approach him on Kinge Charles anoon[119] Ioye oute-drowe, account of the crowd. And with his owen honde Charlemagne with his XXX^{ti} Sarseynys ther he slowe, 852 sword Mounjoy slew 30 That laie dede vppone the sonde; Saracens. Many of hem therfore made joy Inowe. Sir Lucafere of Baldas, Lukafer of Baldas, He presed to Charles sone, 856 encountering Charles, And saide “Sir, with harde grace, What hastowe here to done? I behight Laban to bringe the to him told him that he had And the xij peris alle; 860 promised the soudan Now shaltowe come from al thy kyn to bring him Charles Into the Sowdans halle. and the douzepeers. Yelde the to me” he saide, “Thy life shalle I safe.” 864 A stroke on him than Charles layde; Charles strikes him He made the Paynym to rafe. on his helmet, He smote him on the helme With mown-Ioye, his gode bronde. 868 Ne hadde he be reskued than, He hade slayn him with his honde. [p026 THE SARACENS QUIT THE FIELD.] Than came Baldeȝynȝ with thronge but Lukafer is To reskue there here lorde, 872 rescued by a great And nubens with hem amonge throng. Roland, And Turkes by one accorde. drawing Durendale, Tho Roulande Durnedale oute-drowe cleared a space And made Ro«m»me[120] abowte. 876 around him and XL of hem ther he slowe, Tho were thai in grete dowte. Roulande as fiers as a lion̄ With Durnedale[121] tho dinge 880 hammered the heads of Vppon the Sarsyns crowne, the Saracens. As harde as he myght flynge. [leaf 22] Duke Neymys and Sir Olyue[rh], So do the other peers, Gy and Alloreynes of Loreyne, 884 And alle the noble xij Peris, Oge[rh] and Brye[rh] of Brytayne, Thai foughten as feythfully in þat fight, The feelde ful of dede men laye. 888 XXX^{ti} thousande, I you plight, and 30,000 Saracens Of Sarsenys ther were slayn̄. were slain. Al thinge moste haue an̄ ende, The nyghte come on ful sone, 892 At night the Pagans Every wighte retourned to wende; quit the field. Ferumbras to his men gan gone And saide “oure hornes blowe we, This day haue we a ful ille afraye, 896 To saie the south and not to lye, Oure goddis holpe vs not to daye, What devel þat ever hem̄ eilith. This bataile was so sharpe in faye, 900 That many a man it wailyth. Shalle I never in herte be glade to daye, Ferumbras vows, never Till I may preve my myghte to desist With Roulande, that proude ladde, 904 Or with Olyue[rh], that is so lighte, [p027 CHARLES PRAISES THE OLD KNIGHTS.] That evel hath vs ladde; And in Paris be crowned kinge unless he be crowned In despite of hem alle, 908 king at Paris. I wole leve for no thinge What so evere byfalle.” Kinge Charles with grete honou[rh] Charles went to his Wente to his Pavilon̄; 912 pavilion and Of the treyumple he bare the flou[rh] In dispite of Mahounde. Almyghty God and Seynte Denyse thanked God He thanked ful ofte sithe 916 And oure lady Marie of Paris, and St. Mary of That made hem gladde and blitħ. France. He recomendide the olde Knightes, He praised the elder That þat daye hade the victorye, 920 knights for having And charged the yonge with al her myghtes won the victory and To haue hem in memorye; exhorted the young For worthynesse wole not be hadde, ones But it be ofte sougħte, 924 [leaf 23] Ner knigħthode wole not ben hadde, Tille it be dere boghte. “Therfore ye knightes, yonge of age, Of oolde ye may now lere, 928 Howe ye shalle both hurle and rage In felde with sheelde and spere. And take ensample of the xij Peris, to take an example by Howe thai have proved her myght, 932 them. And howe thai were both wight and fiers To wy«n»nen honourys in righte. These hethen houndes we shal a-tame By God in magiste, 936 They make merry and Let us make myrtħ in goddis name go to supper. And to souper nowe goo we.” Prayer addressed “O THOW, rede Marȝ Armypotente, to the red Mars That in the trende baye hase made þy trone, 940 Armipotent, That god arte of bataile and regent [p028 SPRING IS THE TIME OF LOVE.] And rulist alle that alone, To whom I profre precious present, To the makande my moone 944 Witħ herte, body and alle myn entente, A crown̄ of precious stoones, And howe to the I gyfe Withouten fraude or engyne, 948 Vppon̄ thy day to make offerynge, And so shal I ever, while þat I live; By righte þat longith to my laye, In worshipe of thy reverence 952 On thyn owen Tewesdaye With myr[rh], aloes and Frankensense, Vppon̄ condicion̄ that thou me gr«a»unte, to grant the The victorye of Crystyn̄ Dogges, 956 Mahometans the And that I may some[122] hem adaunte victory over the And sle hem down̄ as hogges, Christians. That have done me distruccion̄ And grete disherytaunce 960 And eke slayn my men w«i»t«h» wronge. Mahounde gyfe hem myschaunce!” IN the semely seson of the yere, In the spring of the Of softenesse of the sonne, 964 year In the prymsauns of grene vere, Whan floures spryngyn̄ and bygy«n»ne, [leaf 24] And alle the floures in the fritħ Freshly shews here kynde, 968 Than it is semely therwytħ, man ought to show his That manhode be in mynde; manhood For corage wole a man to kitħ, If he of menske haue mynde, 972 And of loue to lystyn̄ and lithe, and to think of love. And to seke honu[rh] for þat ende. For none can be a For he was neu«er»e gode werryou[rh], good warrior, unless That cowde not loue a-ryght; 976 he knows how to love. [p029 THE SOUDAN RALLIES HIS TROOPS.] For loue hath made many a conquerou[rh] And many a worthy knighte. This worthy Sowdan, though he heþen we[rh], The soudan was a He was a worthy conquerou[rh]; 980 great conqueror; Many a contrey with shelde and spere He conquerede wyth grete honoure. And his worthy sone Ferumbras, Ferumbras and That kinge was of Alisaund[rh], 984 And Lucafe[rh] of Baldas, Lukafer wrought That cruel kinge of Cassaund[rh], That wroughten wonders w«i»t«h» here honde wonders with their With myghte and mayne for to fyghte, 988 hands. And over-ride mony a manly londe, As men of Armes hardy and wighte. The Sowdan seyinge this myschief, How Charles hade him a-greved, 992 That grevaunce was him no thinge lese,[123] He was ful sore ameved. He sente oute his bassatoures The soudan sent for To Realmes, provynces fer[rh] and ne[rh], 996 his vassals, To Townes, Citeis, Castels and Tours, To come to him the[rh] he were, To Inde Maior and to Assye, To Ascoloyne, Venys, Frige and Ethiope, 1000 To Nubye, Turkye and Barbarye, To Macedoine, Bulga[rh] and to Europe. Alle these people was gadred to Agremore, and assembled more Thre hundred thousand of Sarsyns felle, 1004 than 300,000 Saracens Some bloo, some yolowe, some blake as at Agremore. more, Some horible and stronge as devel of helle. He made hem drinke Wilde beestes bloode, [leaf 25] Of Tigre, Antilope and of Camalyon̄, 1008 As is here vse to egre here mode, Whan þai in werre to battayle goon. He saide to hem “my frendes de[rh], He addressed them in As my trust is alle in you, 1012 order [p030 THE SARACENS SACRIFICE TO THEIR GODS.] On these Frenche dogges, that bene here, to increase their Ye moste avenge me nowe. ardour, Thai have done me vilanye, Mikille of my people have thay slayn̄. 1016 And yet more-over thay manace me And drive me to my contrey agayn; Wherefore I wole at the bygynnynge ordered a solemn To Mahounde and to my goddis alle 1020 sacrifice to his gods, Make a solempne offerynge; The better shall it vs byfalle. The laste tyme thai were wrothe, We hade not done oure dute. 1024 Therefore to saye the southe” . . . . There were many hornys blowe, The preestes senden̄ thikke I-nowe Goolde, and silver thikke thai throwe, 1028 With noyse and crye thai beestes slowe, And thought to spede wel I-nowe; And every man his vowe he made To venge the Sowdan̄ of his tene. 1032 Here goddis of golde thai wex alle fade, The smoke so grete was hem bitwene. Whan alle was done, the Sowdan than Charged Ferumbras redy to be 1036 and charged Ferumbras On the morowe, ere day began, To ride oute of þat Cite With xxx^{ti} thousande of Assiens, to march with 30,000 Frigys, Paens and Ascoloynes, 1040 of his people Turkis, Indeis and Venysyens, Barbarens, Ethiopes and Macidoynes, “Bringe him to me, that proude kinge; against the Christian I shal him teche curtesye, 1044 King, whom he wished Loke that thou leve for nothinge to teach courtesy, To sle alle his other mayne, [leaf 26] and to slay Safe Rouland and Olyuere, all his men except That bene of grete renowne, 1048 Roland and Oliver, [p031 FERUMBRAS CHALLENGES 6 CHRISTIAN KNIGHTS TO SINGLE COMBAT.] If thai wole reneye he[rh] goddis the[rh] if they would And leven on myghty Mahounde.” renounce their FERUMBRAS with grete araye gods. Ferumbras led Rode forthe, Mahounde him spede, 1052 out his troops; Tille he came nyȝe the[rh] Charles lay until arriving near By syde in a grene mede. Charles’s camp, he In a woode he buskede his men ordered them to Prively that same tyde, 1056 halt in a wood, and And with his felowes noon but ten advanced with only To kinge Charles he gan ride ten of his men to the And said “si[rh] kinge, that Arte so kene, camp of Charlemagne, Upon trwes I come to speke with the, 1060 If thou be curteis, as I wene, Thou wolte gr«a»unte a bone to me, That I migħte fight vppon̄ this grene, and offered him to With Rouland, Olyvere and Gye, 1064 fight at once against Duke Neymes and Oge[rh] I mene, Roland, Oliver, Guy, Ye and Duke Richarde of Normandye, Duke Naymes, Ogier With al sex attones to fight. the Dane, and Richard My body I prof[rh] here to the 1068 of Normandy. And requyre the, kinge, thoᶙ do me right, As thou art gentille Lord and fre; And if I may conquere hem in fere, If he should conquer To lede them home to my Faderis halle; 1072 them, he would lead And if thai me, I gr«a»unte the here, them away to his To be thy man, body and alle.” father’s hall; if he The kinge Answered with word«is» mylde should be conquered, And saide “felowe, þat neditħ nought, 1076 he would be his man. I shalle fynde of myn̄ a Childe, That shal the fynde that thou hast sought.” The kinge lete calle Sir Roulande The king sent for And saide “thou most with this man figħt, 1080 Roland and ordered To take this bataile here on honde, him to undertake Ther-to God gyfe the grace and myghte!” the combat. Roland Roulande answered with woordis boolde refuses, And saide “Sir, have me excuse[d+]!” 1084 [p032 ROLAND REFUSES TO UNDERTAKE THE COMBAT.] He saide, certeynly he ne wolde; The bataile vttirly he refused. because Charles had “The laste day ye preised faste praised the old The oolde knightes of he[rh] worthynes. 1088 knights. [leaf 27] Let hem goon fortħ, I haue no haste, “May they show their Thai may goo shewen he[rh] prowes.” valour now.” Charles, For that worde the kinge was wrothe vexed, smites Roland And smote him on the mouthe on̄ hye, 1092 on the mouth, so that The bloode at his nose oute-goth, the blood springs And saide “traito«ur», thou shalte a-bye.” from his nose, and he “A-bye” q«uo»d Roulande “wole I noughte, calls him a traitor. And traito«ur» was I never none, 1096 By þat lord, þat me dere hath bought!” And braide oute Durnedale þe[rh] anone. Roland draws his He wolde haue smyten̄ the kinge the[rh], sword, but the other Ne hadde the barons ronne bytwene; 1100 barons separate them The kinge with-drowe him for fe[rh] and try to conciliate And passed home as it myght beste bene. them. The Barons made hem at one With grete praye[rh] and instaunce, 1104 As every wrath moste over-gone, Meanwhile Oliver, Of the more myschiefe to make voydaunce. who, being sorely Olyuere herde telle of this, wounded, kept his That in his bedde laye seke sore. 1108 bed, on hearing of He armede him ful sone I-wisse, this dispute, had And to the kinge he wente withoute more armed himself and And saide “Sir Kinge, a bone graunte me went to Charles. He For alle the servyse, that I haue done, 1112 reminds him of his To fight with þat kinge so free long services, and To morue day, ere it be none.” demands the battle. Charles answered to Olyue[rh]: Charles remonstrates “Thou arte seke and woundede sore, 1116 with him. And thou also my cosyn̄ dere, Therfore speke thereof no more.”— “Sir Kinge” he saide “I am alle hoole, But Oliver insists. I aske you this bone in goddis name.” 1120 [p033 OLIVER GOES TO FIGHT WITH FERUMBRAS.] “Certes” he saide “I holde the a fole, But I praye, god sheelde the fro shame.” Oliver rides to the Forth he rideth in that Forest, forest, and finds Tille he gan Ferumbras see, 1124 Ferumbras alighted Where he was ligħt and toke his rest, under a tree, to His stede renewed til a grene tre. a branch of which “Sir” he saide “reste thoᶙ wele! his steed was tied. Kinge Charles sente me hidu[rh]. 1128 “Arise,” he said, If thou be curteys knighte and lele, “I am come to fight Rise vp and let vs fight to-geder.” with thee.” [leaf 28] Ferumbras sate stille and lough, Ferumbras, without Him liste not to rise oute of the place. 1132 moving, demands his “My felowe” q«uo»d he “what arte thou? name. Telle me thy name for goddis grace.” “Sir” he saide “Generyse, “I am Generys,” says A yonge knighte late dobbet newe.” 1136 Oliver, “a young “By Mahounde” q«uo»d he “thou arte not knight lately dubbed.” wyse, For thy comyng shaltowe sore rewe. I holde Charles but a foole Ferumbras observes, To sende the hide[rh] to me, 1140 “Charles is a fool to I shall the lerne a newe scole, send thee. If thoue so hardy to fighte be. I wende, he wolde haue sende Roulande, Olyue[rh] and iiij mo Dosyperys, 1144 That hade bene mygħty men of honde Bataile to a-bide stronge and fiers. Go and tell him to With the me liste no playe begynne, send me Roland and Ride agayn̄ and saye him soo! 1148 Oliver, and such four Of the may I no worshyp«e» wynne, other douzepeers. For Though I slougħ the and such V mo.” little honour were it “Howe longe” q«uo»d Olyue[rh] “wiltowe to me to fight with plete? thee.” Take thyn̄ armes and come to me, 1152 “Spare thy words,” And prove þat thou saiest in dede, says Oliver, “and For boost thou blowest, and þenkes[124] me.” take thy arms.” Whan Ferumbras herde him speke so wel, [p034 OLIVER LAYS HOLD OF THE BOTTLES OF BALM,] He caught his helme in grete Ir«e», 1156 Ferumbras is wrath That wroght was of goode fyne stele and seizes his With Perlis pight, Rubeis and Saphir«e». helmet, which Oliver Olyue[rh] halpe him it to onlase; assists him to lace. Gilte it was alle abowte. 1160 Ferumbras thanks him, Ferumbras þanked him of his grace courteously bowing to And curteisly to him gan lowte. him. They mount their Thai worthed vp on̄ here stedes, steeds, To Iuste thai made hem preest, 1164 Of Armes to shewe he[rh] myghty dedis Thai layden here speres in a-reeste, rush together like To-geder thai ro«n»nen̄ as fire of fire of thunder, and thonde[rh], have their lances That both here Launces to-braste. 1168 broken. [leaf 29] That they seten̄, it was grete wonder; They draw their So harde it was, þat thay gan threste. swords. Tho drowen̄ thai oute here swordes kene And smyten to-geder by one assente. 1172 There thai hitten̄, it was wele sene; To sle eche other was here entente. Ferumbras smites Syr Ferumbras smote Olyue[rh] Oliver on his Vppon̄ the helme righte on hye 1176 helmet so that the With his swerde of metel cle[rh], fire flies. Oliver That the fyre he made oute-flye. strikes at the head Olyue[rh] him hitte agayn̄ vpon̄ the hede of Ferumbras, breaks [125]the hede than fulle sore, 1180 away the circle of He carfe awaye with mygħt and mayne his helmet, and the The cercle, that sate vppon̄ his crown̄. sword glancing off The stroke glode down by his bak«e», down his back, he The Arson he smot ther awaye 1184 cuts off two bottles And the botelle«s» of bawme withoute of balm, lak«e», That uppone the grene ther thai laye, That were trussed by-hynde him faste. Tho Ferumbras was fu[l~l] woo; 1188 Olyue[rh] light adown̄ in haste, The botellis he seased both two, [p035 THROWS THEM INTO THE RIVER, BUT HAS HIS HORSE KILLED.] He threwe hem into the River than which he throws into As fer[rh] as he myghte throwe. 1192 the river. “Alas” q«uo»d Ferumbras “what doistowe,[126] manne? Thou art wode, as I trowe. Thai were worth an C mɫ pounde Ferumbras tells To a man, þat were wounded sore. 1196 him that they were Ther was no p«re»cioso«ur» thinge vppon̄ invaluable to a grounde, wounded man, and that That myghte helpe a man more. he Thou shalt abye by Mahounde, That is a man of myght«es» moost. 1200 I shall breke both bake and crown̄ And sle the, ther thou goist.” should atone for Tho Olyue[rh] worth vp agayn̄, their loss with his His swerde he hade oute I-drawe. 1204 life. He strikes at Ferumbras him smote with mayne Oliver, who wards off And mente to haue him slawe. the blow with his He smote as doth the dinte of þondir; shield, but his steed It glased down by his sheelde 1208 is killed under him. And carfe his stedes neke a-sonder, [leaf 30] That dede he fille in the felde. Wightly Olyue[rh] vp-sterte Oliver quickly starts As Bacheler, doughti of dede, 1212 up and tries to kill With swerde in honde him for to hirte his adversary’s horse, Or Ferumbras goode stede. That Ferumbras aspied welle, He rode a-waye than ful faste 1216 And tiede him to a grene hasel, but Ferumbras rides And come ayen to him in haste off and ties it to And saide “nowe yelde the to me! a hazel. “Yield Thou maiste not longe endure; 1220 thyself to me,” says And leve on Mahounde, þat is so de[rh],[127] Ferumbras; “believe And thy life I shalle the ensure.[128] on Mahound, and I Thou shalt be a Duke in my cont[rh], will make thee a duke And men haue at thyn̄ owen̄ wille. 1224 in my country and To my Sustir shaltowe wedded be, give thee my sister.” [p036 THEY TAKE BREATH. OLIVER DECLARES HIS NAME.] It were pite the for to spille!” “Better” q«uo»d Olyue[rh] “shul we dele, By God that is in magiste, 1228 “Ere I yield to And of my strokes shaltow more fele, thee,” answered Er I to the shalle yelde me.” Oliver, “thou shalt Thai smeten togeder witħ egre mode, feel my strokes.” And nathir of othire dradde; 1232 They fight for a Thai p«er»sed he[rh] hauberk«es», that considerable time; were so goode, the blood ran from Tille both thayr bodyes bladde. both their bodies. By Thay foughten̄ soo longe, þat by assente mutual consent they Thai drewe hem a litil bysyde, 1236 stop to take breath. A litil while thaym to avente, And refresshed hem at þat tyde. “Generis” q«uo»d Ferumbras, Ferumbras asks Oliver “As thou arte here gentil knighte, 1240 again his name and Telle me nowe here in this place kin. Of thy kyn̄ and what thoᶙ hight; Me thenkith by the now evermore, Thou shuldist be one of the xij peris, 1244 “Thou must be one That maiste fighte with me so sore, of the douzepeers, And arte so stronge, worthy and fiers.” as thou fightest so Olyuere answered to hym agayn̄: well.” “For fe[rh] I leve it not ontoolde, 1248 “I am Oliver, cousin My name is Olyuere certayn̄, to Charlemagne.” Cousyn to kynge Charles the boolde, [leaf 31] To whome I shalle the sende Qwikke or dede this same daye, 1252 By conqueste here in this feelde, And make the to renye thy laye.” “O” q«uo»d Ferumbras than̄ to Olyue[rh], “Welcome thoᶙ arte in-to this place, 1256 “Thou art welcome I have desyrede many a yere here,” says To gyfe the harde grace. Ferumbras; “thou Thou slough myn̄ uncle Sir P«er»sagyne, slewest my uncle, The doughty kinge of Italye, 1260 The worthyeste kinge þat lyued of men, [p037 OLIVER RECEIVES A HEAVY BLOW.] By Mahounde, thou shalt abye!” now thou shalt pay Tho thai dongen̄ faste to-gede[rh] the penalty!” The While the longe day endured, 1264 fight continued the Nowe hithe[rh] and nowe thide[rh]; whole day. Fro strokes wytħ sheeld«es» here bodies þai couered. And at the laste Olyue[rh] smote him so At last Oliver, Vppon̄ the helme, þat was of stele, 1268 smiting Ferumbras That his swerde brake in two. upon the helmet, has Tho wepen̄ had he nevere a dele. his sword broken. Who was woo but Olyuere than? He saugh noone other remedy. 1272 He saide “si[rh], as thoᶙ arte gentile man, On me nowe here haue mercy. It were grete shame I-wis, And honu[rh] were it noon̄, 1276 To sle a man wepenles; That shame wolde neve[rh] goon̄.” “Nay traito«ur», thou getiste noon̄. Hade I here an hundred and moo! 1280 Knele down̄ and yelde the here anoon̄, And eles here I woole the sloo.” Olyue[rh] saugh, it wolde not be, To truste to moch in his grace. 1284 He ranne to the stede, þ«a»t stode by the He ran to the steed tr«e», at the tree and A swerde he raught in þat place, seized a sword that That was trussed on Ferumbras stede, was hanging there; Of fyne stele goode and stronge. 1288 He thought he quyte[129] Ferumbras his mede. Almoost hadde he abyde to longe; For in turnynge Ferumbras him smote, [leaf 32] That stroke he myghte welle fele, 1292 but in turning on It come on hym so hevy and hoote, Ferumbras he received That down it made hym to knele. a blow that made him Tho was Olyue[rh] sore ashamede kneel down. And saide “thou cursed Sarasyne, 1296 [p038 CHARLES PRAYS TO GOD.] Thy proude pride shall be atamed, By God and by seinte Qwyntyne. Thou hast stole on me that dynte, I shall quyte the thyn̄ hire.” 1300 A stroke than Olyue[rh] him lente, But Oliver returns That hym thought his eyen̄ we[rh] on him fearful stroke. fi[rh]. Kinge Charles in his pavilon̄ was Charles, seeing And loked towarde þat fyghte 1304 Oliver on his knees, And saugh, howe fiers Ferumbras Made Olyuere knele down̄ right. Wo was him tho in his herte; To Ih«es»u Criste he made his mone; 1308 prayed to Christ It was a sight of peynes smerte, That Olyuere kneled so sone: “O Lord, God in Trinite, That of myghtis thoᶙ arte moost, 1312 By vertue of thy maieste That alle knoweste and woste, Lete not this hethen man Thy seru«au»nte ouercome in fyght, 1316 That on the bileve ne kan, Ih«es»u, Lorde, for thy myghte! But gr«a»unte thy man the victorye, that he might grant And the Paynym̄ skomfited to be, 1320 the victory over the As thou arte Almyghty God of glorye! Pagan. Nowe mekely, Lorde, I pray to the.” To Charles anoone an Aungel came And broght him tidingges sone, 1324 An angel announces That God had herde his praie[rh] than̄ him, that his prayer And gr«a»unte him his bone. was heard. Charles Tho Charles thanked God aboue[130] thanks God. With herte and thought, worde and dede, 1328 And saide “blessed be thoᶙ, lorde almyghty,† That helpiste thy seru«au»nte in nede.” These Champions to-gedir thai gone [leaf 33] [p039 FERUMBRAS BEING WOUNDED CRIES MERCY.] With strokes grete and eke sure, 1332 They begin again. Eche of hem donge othir on̄, Alle the while thai myghte endu[rh]. Ferumbras brake his swerde Ferumbras breaks his On Olyueris helme on hye. 1336 sword on Oliver’s Tho wexe he ful sore a-ferde; helmet. He ranne for an othir redyly He runs for another And saide “Olyuere, yelde the to me and asks Oliver to And leve thy Cristen̄ laye, 1340 surrender. Thou shalte have alle[131] my kingdome free And alle aftir my daye.” “Fye, Saresyne” q«uo»d Olyuere than̄, “Trowest thou, that I were wode, 1344 To forsake him, þat made me man̄ And boght me with his hert blode.” He raught a stroke to Ferumbras, But Oliver aims at On his helme it gan down̄ glyde, 1348 Ferumbras a blow It brast his hawberke at þat ras which cuts his And carfe hym throughe-oute his syde, hauberk, so His bare guttis men mygħt see; that his bowels are The blode faste down̄ ranne. 1352 laid bare. “Hoo, Olyvere, I yelde me to the, Ferumbras implores And here I become thy man. his mercy, and I am so hurte, I may not stonde, I put me alle in thy grace. 1356 My goddis ben false by water and londe, consents to be I reneye hem alle here in this place,[132] christened, his gods Baptised nowe wole I be. having proved false. To Ih«es»u Crist I wole me take, 1360 That Charles the kinge shal sene,[133] And alle my goddes for-sake. Take myn hawberke and do it on the, He requested him to Thou shalte haue fu[l~l] grete nede. 1364 take his hauberk, to [p040 THE SARACENS RUSH OUT OF THE WOOD.] X thousande Saresyns waiten vppon̄ me, And therfore go take my stede. fetch his horse, Lay me to-fore the, I the praye, and to carry him And lede me to thy tente. 1368 to his own tent. Hye the faste forth in thy way, [leaf 34] That the Saresyns the not hente.” A-noon̄ it was done, as he ordeynede, And faste forth thai ryden.[134] 1372 The Saresyns anone assembled, But the Saracens, For to haue with hem foghten. who lay concealed Ferumbras saugħ the feelde thore in the wood, rush Of Sarsynes fully filled; 1376 out. Oliver, being Of Olyvere dradde he ful sore, surrounded, sets That Saresyns shulde him haue killed. He praide, that he wolde let him down̄ “Vndir yonde Olyfe tree, 1380 For if ye cast me down̄ here, with hors shoon̄[135] Alle to-treden̄ shalle I be.” down Ferumbras under He priked forth and layde him tha[rh],† an olive-tree, and Out of the horses trase, 1384 defends himself with And with his swerde by-gan him we[rh], his sword, For amonge hem alle he was. A Saresyn̄ smote him witħ a spere, That it brake on pecis thre; 1388 His hauberke mygħt he not de[rh], So stronge and welle I-wroght was he. He hit þat Saresyns with his swerde dealing the Saracens Througħ the helme in-to the brayne. 1392 many a hard blow. He made an other as sore aferde, He smote of his Arme with mayne. Then Roland rushed But than̄ come Roulande witħ Durnedale into the throng of And made way him a-bowte. 1396 the enemy and slew He slowe hem down̄ in the vale, many; Of him hade thai grete dowte. The prees of Saresyns was so stronge [p041 ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE MADE CAPTIVES.] A-boute Roulande that tyde. 1400 Thai sloughen̄ his horsys with thronge, his horse being And dartis throwen̄ on every syde. killed by arrows and Whan Roulande was on his Fete, darts, Than̄ was he woo witħ-alle. 1404 he fights on foot, Many of hem he felte yete And dede to grounde made hem falle. At the last his swerde brake, Than̄ hadde he wepyn̄ noon̄, 1408 but his sword As he smote a Saresyns bak«e» breaking, [leaf 35] A-sundre down̄ to the Arson̄. Tho was he caught, he mygħt not flee, he is taken His hondes thai bounden̄ faste 1412 And lad him forth to here Cite, and led away. And in depe prison̄ they hem caste. Olyue[rh] sawe, howe he was ladde, A sorye man̄ than̄ was he; 1416 Him hadde leuer to haue bene dede Than suffren that myschief to be. Smertly aftire he pursued tho, Oliver rides to To reskue his dere brother. 1420 rescue him, The prees was so grete, he myghte not so, It myghte be no othir, Be he was cowþe[136] by ver[rh] force With LX of Astopartes.[137] 1424 Thai hurte him foule and slougħ his hors but his horse being With gauylokes and wyth dartis. also killed, Yet on foote, ere he were foolde, He slough of hem fiftene. 1428 He was not slayn̄, as god woolde, he is overpowered But taken and bounded[138] w«i»t«h» tene. and bound. Both were Tho were taken̄ to Lucafe[rh], conducted to Lukafer The proude kinge of Baldas, 1432 of Baldas. Both Roulande and Olyue[rh]. [p042 CHARLES FINDS FERUMBRAS.] Gladde was he of that cas. Kinge Charles was in herte woo, When he saughe his neuewes so ladde, 1436 Charles sees them, He cried to the Frenshmen̄ tho: and calls for a “Reskue we these knyghtes at nede.” rescue. Many enemies The kyng«e» himselfe slough many one, were slain, but the So dede the Barons bolde. 1440 Saracens had fled It wolde not bene, thai were agon̄, with their prisoners, Magre who so woolde. and Charles is The Saresyns drewe hem to here Cite, obliged to turn back. Kinge Charles turned agayne. 1444 Under a holm tree He saugħ under an holme tre, they find Ferumbras. Where a knight him semed lay slayn̄. Thederward he rode witħ swerde in honde. Tho he saugħ, he was alyve; 1448 He lay walowynge vppon the sonde With blody woundes fyve. [leaf 36] “What arte thow?” q«uo»d Charlemayne, “Who hath the hurte so sore?” 1452 “I am Ferumbras” he saide certayn̄, “That am of hethen̄ lore.” “O fals Saresyn̄” q«uo»d the kinge, “Thou shalte have sorowe astyte; 1456 whom he is going to By the I haue lost my two Cosynes, put to death. Thyn̄ hede shalle I of-smyte.” “O gentil kinge” q«uo»d Ferumbrase, “Olyuere my maister me hight 1460 But on his requesting To be Baptised by goddis grace, to be baptized, And to dyen̄ a Cristen̄ knight«e». Honu[rh] were it noon to the A discoumfite man̄ to slo, 1464 That is conu«er»ted and Baptized wolde be And thy man bycomen̄ also.” The kinge hade pite of him than̄, Charles took pity He toke him to his grace 1468 with him, And assyned anoon̄ a man [p043 ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE BROUGHT TO THE SOUDAN.] To lede him to his place. led him to his tent, He sende to him his surgyne and ordered a surgeon To hele his woundes wyde. 1472 to attend him. He ordeyned to him such medycyn̄, That sone myght he go and ryde. He soon recovered, The kinge commaunded bishop«e» Turpyn̄ To make a fonte redye, 1476 To Baptise Ferumbras þ«er»in In the name of god Almygħtye. He was Cristened in þat welle, and bishop Turpin Floreyne the kinge alle him calle, 1480 baptised him, by the He forsoke the foule feende of helle name of Floreyn. And his fals goddis alle. But he continued to Nought for than̄ Ferumbras be called Ferumbras Alle his life cleped was he, 1484 all his life. And aftirwarde in so«m»me place, Afterwards he was Floreyne of Rome Cite. known as Floreyn of God for him many myracles shewe[d+], Rome So holy a man he by-came, 1488 on account of his That witnessitħ both lerned and lewde, holiness. The fame of him so ranne. NOWE for to telle of Roulande Roland and Oliver And of Olyuere, that worthy wos,[139] 1492 being brought to Howe thai were brougħt to þ^e Sowdan̄ the Soudan, Laban By the kinge of Boldas. enquires their names. The Sowdan̄ hem sore affrayned, What þat here names were. 1496 Rouland saide and noght alayned: “Syr Roulande and sire Olyuere, They confess their Nevewes to Kinge Charles of Fraunce, names. That worthy kinge and Emp«er»oure, 1500 That nowe are takyn by myschaunce To be prisoneres here in thy toure.” “A, Olyue[rh], arte thou here? That haste my sone distroyede, 1504 [p044 ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE IMPRISONED.] And Rouland that arte his fere, That so ofte me hatħ anoyed. To Mahounde I make a vowe here, The Soudan swears That to morue, ere I do ete, 1508 they shall both be Ye shulle be slayn̄ botħ qwik in fere, executed the next And lives shalle ye bothe lete.” morning before his Tho saide maide Florepas: dinner. “My fader so derewortħ and de[rh], 1512 But Floripas advises Ye shulle be avysed of this cas, him to detain them as How and in what manere hostages, and My brothir, þat is to prison̄ take, May be delyu«er»ed by hem nowe, 1516 By cause of these two knight«es» sake, That bene in warde here with yoᶙ. Wherefore I counsaile yoᶙ, my fader dere, To have mynde of Sir Ferumbras. 1520 to remember his son Pute hem in youre prison̄ here, Ferumbras, Tille ye haue better space. So that ye haue my brother agayn̄ for whom they might For hem, þat ye haue here; 1524 be exchanged. And certeyn̄ elles wole he be slayn̄, That is to you so lefe and dere.” “A, Floripp, I-blessed thou bee, Thy counsaile is goode at nede, 1528 The Soudan finds her I wolde not leve my sone so free, counsel good, So Mahounde moost me spede, For al the Realme of hethen Spayne, [leaf 38] That is so brode and large. 1532 Sone clepe forth my gaylo«ur» Bretomayne, and orders his gaoler That he of hem hadde his charge, Bretomayn to imprison “Caste hem in your prison̄ depe, them, Mete and drinke gyfe hem none, 1536 but to leave them Chayne hem faste, þat thay not slepe; without food. For here goode daies bene a-gone.” Tho were thay cast in prison depe[140]; [p045 FLORIPAS COMPASSIONATES THEIR SUFFERINGS.] Every tyde the see came inne. 1540 At high tide the sea Thay myght not see, so was it myrke, filled their deep The watir wente to her chynne. cells. They suffered The salte watir hem greved sore, much from the salt Here woundis sore did smerte. 1544 water, from their Hungir and thurste greved heme yet more, wounds, and from It wente yet more nere here herte. hunger. Who maye live withoute mete? vj dayes hadde thay rigħt none, 1548 On the sixth day, Ner drinke that thay mygħt gete, Bute loked vppon the harde stone. So on a daye, as God it wolde, Floripas to hir garden̄ wente, 1552 Floripas, who was To geder Floures in morne colde. gathering flowers in Here maydyns from̄ hir she sente, her garden, heard For she herde grete lamentacion̄ them lament. In the Prison̄, that was ther nye; 1556 She supposed by ymagynacion̄, That it was the prisoners sory. She wente he[rh] ner[rh] to here more, Thay wailed for defaute of mete. 1560 Moved to compassion, She rued on hem anoon̄ ful sore, she asks her She thought, how she myght hem beste it gete. governess Maragound She spake to her Maistras Maragounde, to help her in Howe she wolde the prisoneres fede. 1564 getting food for the The develle of helle hir confounde, prisoners. Maragound She wolde not assente to þat dede, refuses, and reminds But saide “Damesel, thou arte woode, Floripas of her Thy Fadir did vs alle defende, 1568 father’s command. Both mete and drinke and othere goode [leaf 39] That no man shulde hem thider sende.” Floripe by-thought hir on a gyle Floripas, thinking of And cleped Maragounde anoon rigħt, 1572 a trick, called to To the wyndowe to come a while her governess to come And se ther a wonder syght: to a window and “Loke oute” she saide “and see a fer[rh] [p046 FLORIPAS KILLS THE GAOLER.] The Porpais pley as thay were wode.” 1576 see the porpoises Maragounde lokede oute, Floripe come ne[rh] sporting beneath. And shofed hire oute in to the flode. Maragound looking “Go there” she saide “the devel the spede! out, is pushed into My counsail shaltowe never biwry. 1580 the flood. Who so wole not helpe a man̄ at nede, On evel deth mote he dye!” She toke witħ hire maidyns two, To Britomayne she wente hir waye 1584 Floripas asks And saide to him, she moste go Bretomayn to let her To viseten̄ the prisoneris that daye, see the prisoners. And saide “sir, for alle loues, Lete me thy prisoneres seen̄. 1588 I wole the gife botħ goolde and gloues, And counsail shalle it been̄.” Brytomayne that Iaylor kene Answered to hir sone agayne 1592 And saide “Damesel, so mote I then̄, Than̄ were I worthy to be slayn̄. Hath not youre Fader charged me, To kepe hem from̄ every wyght? 1596 And yet ye wole these trayto«ur»s see? I wole goo telle him Anoon̄ right.” He gan to turne him anone for to go, To make a playnte on Floripas. 1600 The gaoler threatened She sued him as faste as she myghte go, to complain to her For to gif him harde grace. father, but Floripas, With the keye cloge, þat she caugħt, having seized his Witħ goode wille she maute[141] than, 1604 key-clog, dashed Such a stroke she hym the[rh] raught, out his brains. She The brayne sterte oute of his hede þan̄. then went to tell To hire Fader forth she gotħ her father, she had And saide “Sire, I telle you here, 1608 surprised [leaf 40] I saugħ a sight, that was me lotħ, the gaoler feeding Howe the fals Iailo«ur» fedde your prisone[rh], the prisoners and [p047 THE SOUDAN GIVES THE PRISONERS INTO HER GUARD.] And how the coven«au»nte made was, promising to deliver Whan thai shulde delyu«er»ed be; 1612 them; wherefore she Wherefore I slougħ him witħ a mace. had slain him. Dere Fadir, forgif it me!” “My doghtir dere, that arte so free,[142] The warde of hem now gif I the. 1616 The Soudan gives the Loke, here sorowe be evere newe, prisoners into her Tille that Ferumbras delyu«er»ed be.” guard. She thanked her Fadere fele sithe And toke her maydyns, and forth she gotħ, 1620 She now proceeded to To the prisone she hyed hire swytħ. the prison, The prison̄ dore vp she dothe And saide “sires, what be ye, That make here this ruly moone? 1624 What yoᶙ lakkitħ, tellyth me; asked the prisoners For we be here nowe alle alone.” what they wanted, Tho spake Roulande with hevy chere To Floripe, that was bothe gente and fr«e», 1628 And saide “lo, we two caytyfes here For defaute of mete dede moste be. vj dayes be comyn̄ and goon̄, Sith we were loked in prison̄ here, 1632 That mete nor drinke hade we noon̄ To comforte witħ oure hevy che[rh]. But woolde god of myght«es» moost, The Sowdon̄ wolde let vs oute goon̄, 1636 We to fight witħ alle his Ooste, To be slayn̄ in feelde anoon̄. To murthir men̄ for defaute of mete, It is grete shame tille a kinge; 1640 For every man most nedes ete, Or ellis may he do no thinge.” Tho saide Floripe with wordes mylde, and promised to “I wolde fayne, ye were now here, 1644 protect them from any From harme skatħ[143] I wole you shelde, harm. [p048 CHARLES DESPATCHES GUY TO THE SOUDAN.] And gife you mete with right gode che[rh].” A rope to hem she lete down̄ goon̄, She let down a rope, That aboven̄ was teyde faste. 1648 [leaf 41] and drew up She and hir maydyns drewe þer vppon̄, both, and led them to Tille vp thay hadde hem at the last. her apartments. She led hem into here chambir dere, That arrayed for hem was rigħt wele, 1652 Both Roulande and Olyvere, And gafe hem̄ there a right gode mele. There they ate, And whan thay hadde eten̄ alle her fille, A batħ for hem was redy there, 1656 took a bath, Ther-to thay went ful fayre and stille, And aftyr to bedde with right gode che[rh]. and went to bed. Now Floripas chamber is here prisone, Withouten̄ wetinge of the Sowdon̄; 1660 The Soudan knew Thai were ful mery in that Dongeon̄, nothing of his For of hem̄ wiste man̄ never oone. prisoners being in Now lete we hem be and mery make, Floripas’ chamber. Tille god sende hem gode delyueraunce. 1664 Aftir the tyme, þat thay were take, What did Charles, the kinge of Fraunce, Ther-of wole we speke nowe, Howe he cleped forth Sir Gy 1668 Meanwhile Charlemagne And saide “on my message shaltowe, tells Guy that he Therfore make the faste redy, must go to the To bidde the Sowden̄ sende me my Nevewes botħ Soudan to demand the And the Releqes also of Rome; 1672 surrender of Roland Or I shal make him so wrotħ, and Oliver, and of He sha[l~l] not wete what to done. the relics of Rome. And by þat god, þat hath me wroght, I shal him leve Towre ner Town̄. 1676 This bargan̄ shal so dere be bought In dispite of his god Mahoun̄.” Naymes of Bavaria DUKE Neymes of Baue[rh] vp stert than̄ represents that a And saide “Sir, hastowe no mynde, 1680 messenger to the How the cursed Sowdan̄ Laban Soudan should [p049 THE OTHERS REMONSTRATE, BUT MUST GO TOO.] Alle messengeris doth he shende? certainly be slain; Ye haue lost inowe, lese no mo and that they ought Onworthily Olyue[rh] and Roulande.” 1684 to be anxious not to “By god, and thou shalt with him go, lose any more besides For al thy grete brode londe.” Rouland and Oliver. THO Ogere Danoys, þat worthy man̄, [leaf 42] Then said “Sir” he saide “be not wrotħ! 1688 the king, ‘By god, For he saitħ soutħ.”—“go thoᶙ than̄! thou shalt go with By Gode thou shalte, be thoᶙ never so loth.” Guy.’ Ogier the Dane “A Sire” quod Bery Lardeneys, remonstrates, but is “Thoᶙ shalte hem se never more.”— 1692 ordered to go too. So “Go thou forth in this same rees, are Thierry of Ardane Or it shalle the repente ful sore.” FOLK Baliante saide to the kinge, and Folk Baliant, “Liste ye youre Barons to lese?”— 1696 “Certis, this is a wondir thinge! Go thou also, thoᶙ shalte not chese!” ALEROYSE rose vp anone Aleroys And to the kinge þan gan̄ he speke 1700 And saide “what thinke ye, sir, to done?”— “Dresse the forth witħ hem̄ eke!” MIRON of Brabane spake an worde and Miron of Brabant. And saide “Sir, thou maiste do þy wille. 1704 Knowist thou not that cruel lorde, How he wole thy Barons spille?”— “Trusse the forth eke, sir Dasaberde, Or I shalle the sone make! 1708 For of all thinge thou arte aferde, Yet arte thoᶙ neyther hurte ner take.” BISSHOPE Turpyn̄ kneled adown̄ Bishop Turpin kneels And saide “lege lorde, mercy!” 1712 down to implore the The kinge him swore by seynt Symon̄: king’s mercy, but he “Thou goist eke, make the in hast redye!” must go too, BERNARDE of Spruwse, þat worthy knygħt, as well as Bernard of Saide “sir, avyse yoᶙ bette, 1716 Spruwse Set not of youre Barons so ligħt, [p050 THE SOUDAN ASSEMBLES HIS COUNCIL.] Thou maiste haue nede to hem̄ yette.”— “Thou shalte goon̄ eke for alle thy boost, Haue done and make the fast yare! 1720 Of my nede gyfe thoᶙ no coost, Ther-of haue thou right no care!” BRYE[RH] of Mounteȝ, þat marqwyȝ bolde, and Brier of Was not aferde to him to speke. 1724 Mountdidier. To the kinge sharply he tolde, His witte was not worth a leke: [leaf 43] “Woltowe for Angre thy Barons sende To þat Tiraunte, þat alle men sleitħ? 1728 Or thou doist for þat ende, To bringe thy xij peres to the detħ.” The kinge was wrotħ and swore in halle By him, þat boght him witħ his blode: 1732 “On my messange shall ye gon̄ alle! Be ye never so wrotħ or wode.” Thay toke here lefe and fortħ thay yede, The knights take It availed not agayne him to sayne. 1736 leave and start. I pray, god gif hem gode spede! Ful harde it was to comen̄ agayn̄. NOWE let hem passe in goddis name, And speke we of the Sowdon̄, 1740 The Soudan assembled Howe he complayned him of his grame, his council. And what that he myght beste done. “Sortybrau«n»nce and Bronlande[144]” seyde he, Sortibrance and “Of counsail ye be fulle wyse. 1744 Brouland How shal I do to avenge me Of kinge Charles, and in what wyse? He brennyth my Toures and my Citees, And Burges he levethe me never oon̄. 1748 He stroieth my men̄, my londe, my fees. Thus shalle it not longe goon̄. And yet me greveth most of alle, He hath made Ferumbras renay his laye. 1752 [p051 HE DESPATCHES XII MESSENGERS TO CHARLES.] Therfore my counselors I calle, To remedy this, howe thay best maye. For me were lever that he were slayn̄, Thane he a Cristen̄ hounde shulde be, 1756 Or witħ Wolfes be rente and slayn̄, By Mahounde mygħty of dignyte.” To answerde Sortybraunce and Broulande advise him And saide “gode counsaile we shal yoᶙ gyfen̄, 1760 If thoue wilte do aftyr coven«au»nte, It shal yoᶙ profit, while yoᶙ lyven̄. Take xij knightis of worthy dede to send 12 knights, And sende hem to Charles on message nowe. 1764 and to bid Charles A-raye hem welle in roial wede, For thȳ honou[rh] and for thy prowe. [leaf 44] Bidde Charles sende thy sone to the to give up Ferumbras And voyde thy londe in alle haste, 1768 and to withdraw from Or ellis thou shalt him honge on a tr«e», his country. As hye, as any shippes maste.” “Nowe by Mahounde” q«uo»d Laban, “This counseil is both trewe and goode, 1772 I shalle him leve for no man̄ To parforme this, though he we[rh] woode.” He did his lettris write in haste, The knight«es» were called to goo þ«er»witħ, 1776 The knights are That thay hyȝe hem̄ to Charles faste dispatched. And charke[145] hym̄ vppon̄ life and lithe. Fortħ thai ride towarde Mantrible þan̄, In a medowe, was fayre and grene, 1780 Near Mantrible Thai mette witħ Charles messageris ten̄. they meet with the Duke Neymes axed hem̄, what thai wolde mene, Christian messengers. And saide “Lordynges, whens come ye? Duke Naymes inquires And whider ye are mente, telle vs this tyde.” 1784 whither they intend “From̄ the worthy Sowdon̄” than̄ saide he, to go. “To Charles on message shalle we ride, [p052 THE PEERS KILL THE SOUDAN’S MESSENGERS.] Euel tithyngg«es» we shalle him telle, Fro Laban, that is lorde of Spayne. 1788 Farewele, felowes, we may not dwelle.” “A-byde” q«uo»d Gy “and turne agayne, Having heard their We wole speke with yoᶙ, er ye goon̄, message, For we be messengeris of his. 1792 Ye shal aby everichone, So God brynge me to blis.” Anoon̄ here swerdes oute thay brayde And smoten̄ down̄ right al a-boute. 1796 Tille the hethen̄ were down̄ layde, Thai reseyued many a sore cloute. Thai smyten̄ of here hedes alle, the delegates of Eche man̄ toke one in his lappe. 1800 Charles cut off their Fal what so euer byfalle, heads, which they To the Soudon̄ wole they trappe. take with them to Tille thai come to Egremoure, present to the Soudan Thai stynte for no worldes thinge; 1804 at Agremore. Anone thai fonde the Sawdan̄ thore, At his mete proudely sittynge, [leaf 45] The Soudan And þat maide fai[rh] Dame Floripas was just dining. And xiiij princes of grete price 1808 And kinge Lukafe[rh] of Baldas, Thas was both bolde, hardy and wyse. Doughty Duke Neymes of Baue[rh] Naymes delivers To the Sowdone his message tolde 1812 his message: ‘God And saide “god, þat made heven̄ so cle[rh], confound Laban and He saue kinge Charles so bolde all his Saracens, and And confounde Laban̄ and all his men̄, save Charles, That on Mahounde byleved[146] 1816 And gife hem evel endinge! amen̄. To morue, longe er it be even̄, who commands thee He co«m»maundith the vppon̄ thy life to send back his His Nevewes home to him sende, 1820 two nephews and to And the Religes[147] of Rome withoute strife; restore the relics.’ [p053 THE PEERS ARE IMPRISONED IN FLORIPAS’ TOWER.] And ellis getist thou an evel ende! xij lurdeynes mette vs on the waye; Thai saide, thay come streight fro the. 1824 Thai made it botħ stoute and gay; Here hed«is» here maistowe see. They then produce the Thai saide, thai wolde to Charles goon̄, heads of the Soudan’s Evel tidingg«es» him to telle. 1828 messengers. Loo here here heddis eu«er»ychone, Here soulis bene in helle.” “O” q«uo»d Lavane “what may this be, To suff[rh] this amonge my knight«es» alle? 1832 To be rebuked thus here of the The Soudan vowed At mete in myn owen̄ halle! a vow that they To Mahounde myghty I make a vowe, should all ten be Ye shall be hanged alle ten, 1836 hanged as soon as Anoon as I have eten̄ I-nowe, he had finished In presence of alle my men̄.” his dinner. But Maide Floripas answered tho Floripas recommended And saide “my derworth Fadir de[rh]! 1840 him to put off his By my counsaile ye shal not so, resolution, until Tille ye haue your Barons alle in fe[rh], a general council That thai may se what is the best, of his barons had For to delyu«er»e my brother Sir Ferumbras. 1844 determined on the And aftirward, if þat ye liste, best way of the Ye may gife hem ful evel grace.” liberation of “Gramercy, doghter, thou saieste welle, Ferumbras. [leaf 46] Take hem alle into thy warde. 1848 The Soudan gives them Do feter hem faste in Iren̄ and stele into her guard. And set hem in strayȝte garde. Thus was I neuer rebukede er nowe; Mahounde myghty gyfe hem̄ sorowe! 1852 Thay shalle be flayn and honged on a bowe, Longe ere tyme[148] to morowe.” Floripas leads the Florip̄ toke these messangeris knights into her And ladde hem vp in-to here tou[rh], 1856 tower, where [p054 FLORIPAS ENQUIRES AFTER GUY.] There thai founde two of here feris. they were glad to Thay thanked thereof god of honoure. find Roland and Tho sayde Duke Neymys of Baue[rh]: Oliver. “Gladde men we be nowe here, 1860 To fynde Roulande and Olyue[rh] In helthe of bodye and of goode che[rh].” Thai kissed eche other with herte gladde And thanked god of his grace; 1864 And eche toolde othir, howe thay sped hadde, They told each other And howe thay come in-to that place how they had fared. By helpe of mayde Florip̄ hire self, “God kepe hir in honoure! 1868 For thus hath she brought vs hider alle twelfe, To dwelle in hir owen̄ boure.” Tho thay wessh and wente to mete, After washing, And were served welle and fyne 1872 Of suche goode, as she myght gete, Of Venyson̄, brede and gode wyne. There thai were gladde and wel at ease; they dined off The Soudon̄ ne wist it noght. 1876 venison, bread and Aftyr thay slepe and toke her ese, wine, and then Of no man than̄ thay ne roght. went to sleep. The On the morowe Florip̄, that mayde fre, following day, To Duke Neymes spake in game: 1880 Floripas asks Naymes “Sir gentil knigħt,” tho saide she, his name, “Telle me, what is your name.” “Whi axe ye, my lady dere, My name here to knowe alle?” 1884 “For he[149] spake with so bolde chere To my Fadir yestirdaye in his halle. Be not ye the Duke of Burgoyne, sir Gȳ, and enquires after Nevewe unto the king«e» Charles so fre?” 1888 [leaf 47] Guy of “Noe, certes, lady, it is not I, Burgundy, whom she It is yondir knight, þat ye may see.” had loved for a long “A, him have I loved many a day; time, and for [p055 GUY CONSENTS TO TAKE HER FOR HIS WIFE.] And yet knowe I him noght. 1892 whom she would do all For his loue I do alle that I maye, she could for their To chere yoᶙ witħ dede and thought. benefit, and would be For his love wille I cristenede be baptised, And lefe Mahoundes laye. 1896 Spekith to him nowe for me, As I yoᶙ truste maye; And but he wole gr«a»unte me his loue, if he would agree to Of yoᶙ askape shalle none here. 1900 love her in return. By him, þat is almyghty aboue, Ye shalle abye it ellis ful dere.” Tho wente Duke Neymes to Sir Gye And saide “This ladye lovetħ the, 1904 Naymes tells Guy For thy loue she maketħ us alle merye, And Baptizede wole she be. Ye shalle hir take to your wedded wife, to take her for his For alle vs she may saue.” 1908 wife, “By God” q«uo»d Gye “þat gafe me life, But Guy refuses, Hire wole I never haue, Wyle I neuer take hire ner no woman̄, as he never will take But Charles the kinge hir me gife. 1912 a wife, unless she be I hight him, as I was trewe man̄, To holden̄ it, while I lyve.” given him by Charles. Tho spake Roulande and Olyue[rh], Rouland and Oliver Certyfyinge him of he[rh] myschefe, 1916 persuaded him, Tellinge him of the parelles, þ«a»t þay in we[rh], For to take this lady to his wedded wife. “But thoᶙ helpe in this nede, We be here in grete doute. 1920 Almyghty god shalle quyte thy mede, Elles come we nevere he«n»nys oute.” Thus thay treted him to and fro; At the laste he sayde, he wolde. 1924 so that he at last Floripas thay cleped fortħ tho; consented. And brought fourth a Cuppe of golde, Floripas, holding a Ful of noble myghty wyne, golden cup of wine, [p056 LUKAFER VISITS THE PRISONERS.] And saide “my loue and my lorde, 1928 [leaf 48] Myn herte, my body, my goode is thyn̄,” And kissed him witħ that worde, kissed him, and And “sir” she saide “drinke to me, requested him to As the Gyse is of my londe; 1932 drink to her after And I shalle drinke agayn̄ to the, the fashion of her As to my worthy hosbonde.” country. She also Thay clipped and kissed botħ in fere drinks to him. They And made grete Joye and game, 1936 all make merry. And so did alle, that were the[rh], Thai made ful mery alle in same. Tho spake Floripas to the Barons boolde And saide “I haue armu[rh] I-nowe; 1940 Therfore I tel yoᶙ, what I wolde, And þat ye dide for your prowe. To morue, whan̄ my Fadir is at his soupe[rh], For the following day Ye shalle come in alle attonys; 1944 Loke ye spare for no fere, Sle down̄ and breke botħ bake and bones; Kithe yoᶙ knightis of hardynesse! Ther is none helpe, but in this wyse, 1948 Then moste ye shewen̄ youre prowes, And wynne this Castel in this guyse.” Thai sayden alle, it was welle saide, And gladde thay were of this counsaile. 1952 Here armu[rh] was fortħ layde, they all prepare to At souper the Sowdon̄ to assaile. assail the Soudan at Kinge Lucafere prayde the Sawdon̄, supper. Lukafer comes That he wolde gif him lysence, 1956 to the Soudan and To the prisoners for to goon̄, asks leave to see the To see the maner of her presence. prisoners, in order He gafe him lefe, and forth he wente to know the manner of Vp vnto Floripas Toure. 1960 their detention. To asspie the maner was his enten[t|], Hem̄ to accuse agayne honoure. Finding the door Whan̄ he come, he founde the dore fast I-stoke, locked, he burst it [p057 HE TEACHES THEM A NEW GAME.] He smote there-on with his fist, 1964 open with a blow of That the bar[rh] began̄ to broke. his fist. To make debate, wel him list. “Who artowe” q«uo»d Floripas[150] “Þ«a»t maketh he[rh] sucħ araye†?” 1968 “I am kinge Lucafere of Baldas, [leaf 49] The Sowdon̄ sente me hidir in faye; To seen̄ his prisoneris is my desire And speke with hem everychon̄, 1972 He told them that he To talke with hem by the fire was come to speak to And speke of dedis of Armes amonge.” them, Tho saide Duke Neymes “welcome be ye To us prisoners here! 1976 What is your wille, nowe telle ye; For we be men̄ of feble chere.” “I woolde wete of Charles the kinge, and to enquire after What man̄ he is in his contre, 1980 Charlemagne. And what meyne he hatħ, and of what thinge He rekyneth moost his dignyte.” Duke Neymes saide “an Emp«er»oure Duke Naymes answers. And kinge he is of many a londe, 1984 Of Citeis, Castels, and many a Toure, Dukes, Erles, Barons bowynge to his honde.” “But saye me, felowe, what is your vse, To do in cont[rh] aftyr the none. 1988 He then asks what And what is the custome of your hous, amusements they have Tille men̄ to souper shalle gone?” after dinner. Naymes “Sir, so«m»me men̄ iouste[151] witħ spe[rh] and shelde, says, ‘Some joust, And so«m»me men̄ Carol and singe gode songes, 1992 some sing, some play Some shote with dartis in the feelde, at chess.’ And so«m»me play at Chesse amonge.” “Ye bene but foulis of gode dissporte; ‘I will teach you I wole yoᶙ tech a newe play. 1996 a new game,’ says Sitte down̄ here by one assorte, Lukafer. [p058 LUKAFER IS ROASTED TO CHARCOAL.] And bett«er» myrthe never ye saye.” He teyde a tredde on a pole With a thread he With an nedil ther-on I-fest, 2000 fastened a needle And ther vppon̄ a qwi[k|] cole. on a pole and put a He bade every man blowe his blast. burning coal upon it. Duke Neymes hade a long berde, He blew it at Kinge Lucafe[rh] blewe even̄ to hym̄, 2004 Naymes’s beard and That game hade he never before lered. burnt it. Naymes He brent the he[rh] of Neymes berde to the skyne. waxed wroth, and Duke Neymes than̄ gan wex wrotħ, snatching a burning For he hade brente his berde so white 2008 [leaf 50] brand from To the Chymneye forth he goth the fire he smites at And caught a bronde him witħ to smyte. Lukafer and throws Witħ a goode wille he him smote, him into the fire, That both his eyen̄ bresten̄ oute. 2012 He caste him in the fire al hote; For sothe he hadde a rigħt gode cloute. And with a fyre forke he helde him doune, Tille he were rosted to colis ilkadele. 2016 where he was roasted His soule hade his god Mahoun̄. to charcoal. Floripas Florip̄ bade him̄ warme him wele. applauds this, “Sires” tho saide Floripas, “Entendith nowe al to me! 2020 This Lucafe[rh] of Baldas Was a lorde of grete mayne. My Fadir hade him eu«er» yn che[rh] I telle you for sothe everydele, 2024 He wolde anoon̄ aftyr him enque[rh], but points out their And therefore loke, ye arme you we[l~l]!” danger, and advises Florip wente in, as the maner was, them to arm. At To here Fadir at soup«er» tyme. 2028 supper time she goes No man spake worde of kinge Baldas, to her father. Ner no man knewe of his sharp pyne. The xij peris armed hem wel and fyne With swerdes drawe and eg[rh] chere. 2032 While thay mery[152] drinkyn[g|] the wyne [p059 THE PEERS TURN THE SARACENS OUT OF THE CASTLE.] And sittinge alle at here soupe[rh]. As they were sitting Thai reheted the Sowdon̄ and his Barons alle at table, the twelve And maden̄ orders wondir fast, 2036 peers rushed in and Thai slowe down̄ alle, þat were in the halle, slew all whom they And made hem wondirly sore a-gast. met. Olyvere egerly sued Laban̄ Laban, pursued by With swerd I-drawe in his honde. 2040 Oliver, jumps out of Oute at the wyndowe lepte he þan̄ a window on to the Vppon̄ the salte see stronde,[153] sea-shore and escaped And he skaped away from̄ hime, But woo was he þerfore, 2044 That he went awaye witħ lym̄ without injury. To worche hem sorowe more. Roulande than̄ came rennynge And axed, where was Laban. 2048 Olyuere answerede moornynge [leaf 51] And saide, howe he was agoon̄. Tho thai voided the Court«es» at the last They killed all in And slowen̄ tho, that wolde a-byde, 2052 the castle, and then And drewe the brigge and teyed it fast, drew up the bridges And shitte the gatis, that were so wyde. and shut the gates. Laban, that by the ebbe escapede, Of harde, er he come to londe, 2056 He alle astonyed and a-mapide,[154] For sorowe he wronge botħ his honde And made a vowe to Mahounde of myght, Laban vowed a vow He wolde that Cite wynne 2060 And never go thens by day nor nyght, For foo, for frende, ner for kynne. “And tho traytouris will I do honge, On a Galowes hye with-oute the gate; 2064 that he would hang And my Doghter, þat hore stronge, them all and burn his I-brente shal be there-ate.” daughter. He sent to To mauntryble he gan sende anoon̄ Mantrible for troops Aftir men and tentis goode, 2068 and [p060 THE SOUDAN BESIEGES THE CASTLE.] And Engynes to throwe witħ stoon̄ engines, And goode armu[rh] many foolde. The sege he did leyen a-bowte and besieged Agremore. On every side of that Cite. 2072 To wallis with Engynes thai gan rowte, To breke the Toures so fre. Tho saide Florip̄, “lordingg«es» goode, Floripas recommends Ye bene biseged in this toure, 2076 the peers As ye bene wight of mayne and moode, Proveth here to saue youre honou[rh]. The toure is stronge, drede yoᶙ nought, And vitayle we have plente. 2080 Charles wole not leve yoᶙ vnsougħt; Truste ye welle alle to me. Therefore go we soupe and make merye, to enjoy themselves. And takith ye alle your ease; 2084 And xxx^{ti} maydens lo here of Assyne,[155] The fayrest of hem ye chese. Take your sporte, and kith yoᶙ knyght«es», Whan ye shalle haue to done; 2088 For to morowe, when the day is light, [leaf 52] Ye mooste to the wallis goon̄ And defende this place witħ caste of stoon̄ And with shotte of quarelles and darte. 2092 My maydyns and I sha[l~l] bringe goode wone, So eu«er»yche of us shalle bere hir parte.” On morowe the Sowdon̄ made assaute In the morning the To hem, that were witħ-Inne, 2096 soudan attacks the And certes in hem was no defaute, castle, For of hem̄ myght thay nought wynne. Here shotte, here cast was so harde, Thay durste not nyȝhe the walle. 2100 Thay drowen̄ hem bakwarde, but is repulsed. Thay were beten̄ over alle. King Laban̄ turnede to his tent«es» agayn̄, [p061 HE ASKS BROULAND’S ADVICE.] He was nere wode for tene, 2104 He cryede to Mahounde and Apolyne He accuses his gods And to Termagaunte, þat was so kene, of sleepiness, and And saide “ye goddes, ye slepe to longe, shakes them to wake Awake and helpe me nowe, 2108 up. Or ellis I may singe of sorowe a songe, And of mournynge right I-nowe. Wete ye not wele, that my tresoure Is alle witħ-inne the walle? 2112 Helpe me nowe, I saye therfore, Or ellis I forsake yoᶙ alle.” He made grete lamentacion̄, His goddis byganne to shake. 2116 Yet that comfortede his meditacion̄, Supposinge thay didde awake. He cleped Brenlande to aske counsaile, What was beste to done, 2120 And what thinge myght him̄ moste avayle, To wynne the Cite sone. “Thou wotist welle, þat alle my tresou[rh] Is there in here kepinge, 2124 And my doughter, þat stronge hore, God yif her evelle endyn[g|]!” “Sir” he saide “ye knowe welle, [leaf 53] Brouland That Toure is wondir stronge. 2128 tells him, as the While þay haue vitayle to mele, castle is strong and Kepen̄ it thay wole fulle longe. well stored with Sende to Mauntreble, you[rh] cheif Cite, provisions, the peers That is the keye of this londe, 2132 will hold it very That non̄ passe, where it so be, long; With-oute youre speciall sonde, but if he would send To Alagolofu[rh], þat geaunte stronge, orders to Alagolafre, That is wardeyne of þat pas, 2136 the bridge-keeper at That no man passe that brigge alonge, Mantrible, not to But he have special grace. allow any one to pass So shalle not Charles witħ his meyne without leave, [p062 ESPIARD IS DESPATCHED TO MANTRIBLE.] Reskowe than̄ Agramoure. 2140 they would get no Than̄ thay shalle enfamyched be, assistance from That shalle hem rewe ful sore.”— Charles, and die from “Mahoundis blessynge have thoᶙ and myne, hunger. Sortybraunce, for thy rede.”— 2144 “Espyarde, messange[rh] myne, Espiard is despatched In haste thou most the spede to Mantrible, To my Cite Mavntreble, To do my message there, 2148 To Alogolof[rh], þat giaunte orrible. Bydde him his charge wele lere, And tel him, howe that the last daye Ten fals trayto«ur»s of Fraunce 2152 Passed by that same waye By his defaute witħ myschaunce, Charginge him vppon̄ his hede to lese, That no man by the brigge,[156] 2156 Be it rayne, snowe or freze, But he his heede down̄ ligge.” Espiarde spedde him in his waye, Tille he to Mauntrible came, 2160 To seke the geaunte, ther he laye On the banke bysyde the Dame, And saide “the worthy Sowdon̄, That of alle Spayn̄ is lorde and si[rh], 2164 Vppon̄ thy life co«m»maundeth the anoon̄, and commands the giant To deserue bett«er» thyn hire. The laste day thoᶙ letist here passe Ten trattoures of douse Fraunce. 2168 God giffe the evel grace, And hem̄ also moche myschaunce! He charged the vppon̄ life and detħ, To kepe this place sikerlye; 2172 While in thy body lastetħ the bretħ, not to suffer any one Lette noon̄ enemye passe the[rh]-bye.” to pass the bridge. [p063 ALAGOLAFRE BARRICADES THE BRIDGE.] Alagolofur rolled his yen̄ And smote with his axe on̄ the stone 2176 And swore by Termag«a»unte and Apolyne, That ther-by shulde passe«n» never one, But if he smote of his hede, And brought it to his lorde Laban̄, 2180 He wolde never ete no brede, Nere never loke more on man̄. xxiiij^{ti} Cheynes he didde ou«er»-drawe, Alagolafre drew 24 That noo man passe mygħt, 2184 chains across the Neyther for loue nere for awe, bridge. No tyme by daye, nere by nyghte. “Go, telle my lorde, I shalle it kepe; On payne of my grete heede 2188 Shalle ther no man̄ goo ner crepe, But he be take or dede.” This geaunte hade a body longe And hede, like an libarde. 2192 Ther-to he was devely stronge, His skynne was blake and harde. Of Ethiope he was bore, Of the kinde of Ascopartes. 2196 He hade tuskes, like a bore, An hede, like a liberde. Laban nolde not forgete The soudan assaults The saute to renewe,[157] 2200 the castle again, To wynne the Toure, he wolde not lete. Here trumpes lowde thay blewe. Every man wente to the walle, With pikeys or witħ bowe. 2204 [leaf 55] Thai made assaute generalle, The walles downe to throwe. But thay witħ-inne bare hem̄ soo, but the 12 peers slay Thay slowe of the Saresyns iij hundre[d+]. 2208 300 Saracens. Thay wroghten̄ hem both care and woo, [p064 MAVON BATTERS THE CASTLE.] Vppon̄ her fightinge thay wondride. Tho cryed Laban̄ to hem on hye, “Trayto«u»rs, yelde yoᶙ to me, 2212 Laban threatens to Ye shall be hongede els by and bye hang them, and utters Vppon̄ an hye Galowe tree.” imprecations Tho spake Florip̄ to the Sowdon̄ And sayde “thou fals tyraunte, 2216 Were Charles come, thy pride we[rh] done Nowe, cursede myscreaunte. against Floripas, who Alas! that thou ascapediste soo returns them. By the wyndowe vppon̄ the stronde. 2220 That thy ne[k|] hade broke a-twoo! God sende the shame and shonde!”— “A! stronge hore, god gife the sorowe! Tho[u] venemouse serpente. 2224 Withe wilde horses[158] thoᶙ shalt be drawe to morowe, And on this hille be brente, That al men may be wa[rh] by the, That cursed bene of kynde. 2228 And thy love shalle honged be, His hondes bou«n»de him byhynde.” He called forth Mavon̄, his Engynou[rh], The soudan calls for And saide “I charge the, 2232 Mavon, his engineer, To throwe a magnelle to yon tou[rh], and orders him to And breke it downe on thre.” direct a mangonel Mavon set vp his engyne against the walls. With a stoon̄ of .vj. C wigħt, 2236 Mavon knocked down That wente as even̄ as eny lyne, a piece of the And smote a cornell down̄ right. battlements. Woo was Roulande and Olyue[rh], That þat myschief was be-falle, 2240 And so were alle the xij peres; Roland and Oliver But Florip̄ than̄ comforte hem alle: lament; they are “Sires” she saide “beitħ of goode chere! comforted by Floripas. This Toure is stronge I-nowe. 2244 [p065 MARSEDAGE IS KILLED AND BURIED.] He may cast twies or thries or he hit ayen þ«er»,[159] [leaf 56] For sothe I telle it yoᶙ.” Marsedage, the roialle kinge, Rode in riche weede, 2248 Fro Barbary co«m»myng, Vppon̄ a sturdy stede, Cryinge to hem vppon̄ the walle: “Trayto«u»ris, yelde yoᶙ here! 2252 Brenne you alle ellis I shalle, By myghty god Iubyte[rh].” Gy aspied, that he came ne[rh], Guy kills Marsedage A darte to hime he threwe ful even̄, 2256 the king of Barbary, He smote him throwe herte & liver in fe[rh]. by throwing a dart at Dame Florip«e» lough witħ loude steven̄ him. And saide “Sir Gye, my loue so free, Thou kanste welle hit the prikke. 2260 He shall make no booste in his contre; God giffe him sorowe thikke!” Whan̄ Laban̄ herde of this myschie[f|], A sory man̄ was he. 2264 He trumped, his mene to relefe; They stop the attack For to cease that tyme mente he. Mersadage, kinge of Barbarye, He did carye to his tente, 2268 And beryed him by right of Sarsenye to bury Marsedage, With brennynge fire and riche oynemente, And songe the Dirige of Alkaron̄, That bibill is of here laye, 2272 And wayled his deth everychon̄, and bewail him 7 days vij nyghtis and vij dayes. and nights. Anoon̄ the Sowdon̄, south to say, Then the soudan more Sente iij hundrid of knightis, 2276 closely blockades the To kepe the brigge and the waye castle. Oute of that Castil rightis, That noon̄ of hem shulde issue oute, [p066 FLORIPAS PRODUCES A MAGIC GIRDLE.] To feche vitayle by no waye. 2280 He charged hem to wacche wel a[l~l] abowte, That thay for-fameli[d+] myght dye. Thus thay kepte the place vij dayes, [leaf 57] Tille alle hire vitaile was nyȝe spente. 2284 The provisions being The yates thai pas the streyte weyes. exhausted, Tho helde thai hem with-in I-shente. Tho spake Roulande with hevy chere Woordes lamentable, 2288 Whan̄ he saugħ the ladies so whiȝte of le[rh], Faile brede on here table, And saide “Charles, thoᶙ curteys kinge, Roland complains Why forgetist thoᶙ vs so longe? 2292 of Charles’s This is to me a wondir thinge; forgetfulness; Me thinkitħ, thou doiste vs grete wronge, To let vs dye for faute of mete, Closed thus in a dongeon̄. 2296 To morowe wol we asaye what we kon̄ gete, By god, that berithe the crown̄.” Tho saide Floripas “sires, drede noghte but Floripas cheers For noon̄ houng[rh] that may befalle. 2300 him up, I knowe a medycyne in my thoughte To comforte yoᶙ witħ alle. I have a girdil in my Force[rh], saying she possessed Who so girde hem̄ ther-with aboute, 2304 a magic girdle which Hunger ner thirste shal him neu«er» dere, was a talisman Though he were vij yere witħ-oute.” against hunger and “O” q«uo»d Sir Gy “my loue so trewe, thirst for those who I-blessed mote ye be! 2308 wore it. I pray yoᶙ, that ye wole us alle hit shewe, That we may haue oure saule.” She yede and set it fortħ anoon̄, Thai proved alle the vertue, 2312 They all successively And diden it aboute hem̄ eu«er»ychon̄. put it on and felt as It comforted alle both moo and fewe, if they had feasted. As thai hade bene at a feste. [p067 MAPYN ENTERS FLORIPAS’ CHAMBER.] So were thay alle wele at ease, 2316 Thus were thai refresshed botħ moost & lest And weren bifore in grete disese. Laban̄ wondred, how thai myght endu[rh] Witħ-outen̄ vitaile so longe. 2320 Laban wondered at He reme«m»bred him on Floripas senctu[rh], their endurance, but And of the vertue so stronge. at last remembering Tho wiste he welle, that throgħ famyne the girdle, [leaf 58] Might he hem̄ never wynne. 2324 He cleped to him fals Mapyne, he induced Mapyne For he coude many a fals gynne: He coude scale Castel and Toure And over the walles wende. 2328 “Mapyne” he saide “for myn̄ honoure, Thou mooste haue this in mynde: That hore, my doght«er», a girdil hatħ she, From̄ hounger it savyth hem̄ alle, 2332 That wonnen may thay never be, That foule mote hir bifalle! Kanstowe gete me that gyrdill by craft, to attempt to steal A thousande pounde than̄ shal I gefe the; 2336 it at night. So that it be there not lefte,[160] But bringe it hithi[rh] to me. Thoᶙ kanste see by nyghte as welle As any man doth by daye. 2340 Whan thay bene in here beddes ful sti[l~l], Than go forth thider right in thy waye. Thou shalt it in here Chamber fynde, Thou maist be thereofe sure.” 2344 “Sir, there-to I wole me bynde, If my life may endure.” Fortħ wente this fals Mapyne By nyght into the Tou[rh]— 2348 Mapyne entered the God gife him evel endinge!— chamber of Floripas Euen in to Floripas bou[rh]. through [p068 MAPYN WITH THE GIRDLE IS THROWN INTO THE SEA.] By a Chemney he wente inne; Fulle stilly there he soughte it. 2352 a chimney; He it founde and girde it aboute him, And aftyr ful dere he bogħt it; he finds the girdle For by the light of a lampe the[rh] and puts it on, Floripas gan̄ him aspye, 2356 but Floripas Alle a-frayed oute of hir slepe for fere, perceives him But lowde than gan she crye and cries out. And saide “a thefe is in my boure, Robbe me he wole or sloo.” 2360 Ther-with come Rouland fro his tou[rh] Roland hurries to her To wete of hir woo. assistance, [leaf 59] He founde Mapyne bysyde hir bedde, Stondinge amased for drede, 2364 To the wyndowe he him ladde,[161] And there he smote of his hedde, cuts off Mapine’s And caste him oute in-to the see. head, and throws Of the gyrdille was he not wa[rh]; 2368 him out through But whan̄ he wist, the girdel hade he, the window without Tho hadde he sorowe and care. noticing the girdle. Florip«e» to the Cheste wente Floripas, seeing her And aspyed, hire gyrdel was goon̄, 2372 girdle lost, is much “Alas!” she saide, “alle is it shente! grieved; Sir, what haue ye done? He hath my girdel aboute hym̄. Alas! þat harde while! 2376 A rebelle hounde dotħ ofte grete tene; Howe be we alle begilede.” Tho spake Roulande witħ che[rh] boolde, “Dameselle! beytħ noughte aferde! 2380 Roland comforts her. If any vitaile be aboute this hoolde, We wole hem wynne withe dinte of swerde To morowe wole wee oute-goon̄ They agree to attempt And assaye, howe it wole it be. 2384 a sally to obtain I make a vowe to god alone, food. [p069 THE PEERS, SURPRISING THE SARACENS, OBTAIN PROVISIONS.] Assaile hem wole we! And if thay haue any mete, Parte withe hem̄ wole we. 2388 Or elles strokes thay shal gete By God and seynte Mary myn̄ avou[rh]!”[162] In the morne, er the larke songe, In the morning Thai ordeynede hem to ride 2392 To the Saresyns, þat hade so longe Leyen hem besyde. Duke Neymes and Oge[rh] Naymes and Ogier Were ordeynede to kepe the place. 2396 remain in the castle, The x othir of the xij peres the others start Wente oute to assaye here grace. Thay founden̄ hem in logges slepynge, and surprise the Of hem hade thay no thought. 2400 Saracens still Thai slowen̄ down̄ þat came to honde, sleeping in their Mahounde availed hem noghte. huts. [leaf 60] In shorte tyme the ende was made, Thay ten slough iij hundred the[rh]. 2404 They slew 300 and Tho founde thai vitaile, thay were glad, carried off as much As moche as thay myghte home be[rh]. food as they could Duke Neymes and Oge[rh], that kept the tou[rh], bear. Say hem witħ here praye. 2408 Thai thanked god hye of honoure, That thai spedde so þat day. Thay avaled the brigge and lete him yn, Florip̄ and here maydyns were gladde, 2412 And so were thay, that were with-yn; For alle grete hounger thay hadde. Thai eten̄ and dronken right I-nowe And made myrtħ ever amonge. 2416 But of the Sowdon̄ laban speke we nowe, Howe of sorowe was his songe. WHAN tidyngges came to him, That his men̄ were slayn̄, 2420 And howe thai hade stuffed hem̄ also[163] [p070 THE SOUDAN IS ENRAGED WITH HIS GODS.] With vitaile in agayne, For sorowe he woxe nere wode. The soudan is enraged, He cleped Brenlande and Sortybraunce. 2424 And tolde hem̄ witħ angry mode Of his harde myschaunce. “Remedye ordeyne me, Ye be chief of my counsaile; 2428 That I of hem may vengede be, It shalle you bouth availe. O ye goddes, ye faile at nede, That I have honoured so longe, 2432 I shalle yoᶙ bren̄, so mote[164] I spede, and is going to burn In a fayre fyre ful stronge; his gods, Shalle I neuer more on yoᶙ bileve, But renaye yoᶙ playnly alle. 2436 Ye shalle be brente this day er eve, That foule mote yoᶙ befalle!” The fire was made, the goddes were broght To have be caste the[rh]-inne. 2440 [leaf 61] Tho alle his counsaile him by-sought, but, appeased by his He shulde of þat erroure blynne, wise men, And saide “Sir, what wole ye done? Wole ye your goddis for-sake? 2444 Vengeaunce shalle than̄ on yoᶙ come, With sorowe, woo and wrake! Ye moste make offrynge for youre offence, For drede of grete vengeaunce, 2448 With oyle, mylke and ffranken̄cense By youre prestis ordynaunce.” Tho he dide bere hem in ayen̄, he sacrifices again, And to hem made dewe offerynge. 2452 The prestis assoyled him of þat synne, and is assoiled by Ful lowly for him prayinge. the priests. Tho he cleped his counselers Brulande and Sortybraunce, 2456 Laban holds council. [p071 THE PEERS THROW LABAN’S GOLD AT THE ASSAILANTS.] Axynge, howe he myght destroy«e» the xij peres, That Mahounde gife hem myschaunce. Thay cowde no more ther-on̄, But late saile ayen̄ the toure. 2460 Witħ xx^{ti} thousande thai gan̄ gon̄, And bigo«n»ne a newe shoure A new assault begins, To breke down̄ the Walles, With mattok«es» and witħ pike, 2464 but the ditches Tille iiij hundred of hem alle are filled with Lay slayne in the dike. assailants, who were So stronge was the cast of stoone. slain by the showers The Saresyns drewe hem̄ abakke, 2468 of stones hurled down Tille it was at hye none; by the peers. The Tho go«n»ne thay ayen̄ to shake. Saracens retire. A Tho fayled hem cast, þat were w«i»t«h»-inne; second attack ensues. Tho cowde thai no rede, 2472 There being no stones, For stoone was ther noone to wy«n»ne. Tho were thay in grete drede. Than saide Florip, “beitħ not dismayde! Ye shalle be holpe anoon̄. 2476 Floripas gave Here is syluer vessel and now,”[165] she sayde, them her father’s “That shulle ye prove goode woon̄.” silver and gold to She set it forth, thay caste oute faste cast amongst the Alle that came to honde. 2480 assailants. [leaf 62] Off siluer and goolde vessel thay made waste That wast[166] down̄ vppon̄ the sonde. Whan̄ thai saugħ that roial sight, Thai leften alle here dede; 2484 And for the tresoure thay do fight, Who so myghte it awey lede. The soudan in alarm Tho the Sowdon̄ wexe nere wode, for his treasure Seinge this tresoure thus dispoyle[d+], 2488 gives up the assault. That was to him so dere and goode Laye in the dike thus defoule[d+]. He bade that thai shulde leue [p072 THE SOUDAN ASKS HIS GODS’ FORGIVENESS.] And turne hem̄ agayne in haste. 2492 He wente home tille his tente than With grete sorowe and mournyn[g|] mode. To-fore his goddis whan̄ he came, He cryed, as he were wode: 2496 “O fals goddis, that y^e betħ, He is enraged with I have trustid to longe youre mode. his gods, We[167] were leve[rh] to suff[rh] dede, Than̄ lif this life here lenger nowe. 2500 I haue almoste loste the bretħ, xij fals trayto«urs» me overe-lede, And stroyen alle þat I haue. Ye fals goddis, the devel youe spede! 2504 Ye make me nowe for to rave; Ye do fayle me at my nede.” In Ire he smote Mahounde, and smites Mahound so That was of goolde fulle rede, 2508 that he fell on his That he fille down̄ to the grounde, face; As he hade bene dede. Alle here bisshopes cryden̄ oute And saide “Mahounde, thyn̄ ore!” 2512 And down̄ to the erthe wele lowe thay loute, Howlynge and wepynge sore, And saide “Sire Sowdon̄, what haue ye done? Vengeaunce shalle on the falle, 2516 But thoᶙ repente the here anone.” “Ye” q«uo»d he “I shrewe yoᶙ alle!” but the priests Thai made a fyre of fran[k|]encense induce him And blewen̄ hornes of bras, 2520 And casten in milke hony for the offence, [leaf 63] To-fore Mahoundes face. Thay counsailed Laban to knele a down̄ to kneel down and ask And aske forgevenes in that place. 2524 forgiveness. And so he didde and hade pardon̄ Throgh prayere and specialle grace. [p073 RICHARD STARTS ON MESSAGE TO CHARLES.] Then[168] this was done, þan̄ sayde Roulande Meanwhile Roland To his Felowes xj: 2528 exhorted Richard of “Here may we not longe holde londe, Normandy to go on By God that is in heven̄. message to Charles, Therefore sende we to Charles, the kinge, that he might come That he wolde reskowe vs sone; 2532 to their rescue. And certyfye him o[f|] oure strayȝte beinge, They all would the If ye thinke, it be to done. following morning, Richard of Normandye, ye most goon̄, before day break, I holde yoᶙ both wyse and hende. 2536 make an attack on And we shalle tomorowe, as stil as stoon̄, the Saracens, and The Saresyns a-wake, er ye wynde.[169] meanwhile he should And while we be mooste bysy in oure werke, steal off in the And medel witħ hem alle in fere, 2540 darkness. In the Stele ye a-waye in the derke! morning And spede you faste, ye were there!” On the morowe afti[rh] the daye Thay were armede ful ryghte, 2544 Thai rode fortħ stilly in here way, they sally out. God gouerne hem, mooste of myght! Florip«e» and here maydyns kept the tou[rh] Floripas and her And woonde vp the brigges on hye, 2548 maidens draw up the And prayde god, to kepe here paramou[rh], bridges after them. The Duke of Burgoyne, «Sir» Gȳe. She preyde to Rouland, er he wente, To take goode hede of him̄, 2552 That he were neyþer take nere shente, As he wolde her loue wynne. On thay set with herte stronge And alle hem̄ sore afrayed. 2556 Richard the whiles away he wronge, Thile[170] thai were alle dismayede. Richard went off Towarde the Mountrible he hyed him faste, towards Mantrible. To passe, if that he myghte. 2560 [leaf 64] Thedir he came at the laste. [p074 GUY IS MADE PRISONER.] God kepe him for his mocħ myght! His xij[171] felowes besyed hem̄ soo The others slay many That many of hem̄ thay sloughe.[172] 2564 Saracens; Gye slowe the kinge of Babyloyne tho; The Babyloynes of his hors him drowe, but Guy, overpowered And with force him drowe there by the Babylonians, And bounde his hondes ful fast. 2568 is taken prisoner. A newe game thai gan̄ him lere, For in depe prison̄ thay him caste. But Laban̄ wolde him first se, To wete what he was. 2572 “Telle me thy name nowe” q«uo»d he, Laban asks his name. “Thy songe shalle be ‘alas.’”— “Sire” he saide “my name is Gye, Guy tells him. I wole it never forsake. 2576 It were to me grete vilanye An̄ othir name to take.”— “O fals trayto«ur»” q«uo»d Laban̄, “My doghtir, þat stronge hore, 2580 Hath me for-sake and the hath tan̄, Thoᶙ shalte be honged therfore.” He is to be hanged. Roulande made grete moone, It wolde noon̄ other be. 2584 Homwarde thai gan̄ goon̄, .iij.c Saresyns ther saye he, 300 Saracens crowding That kepte the pace at the brigge-ende, near the gate of the Armed wel in goode araye, 2588 castle, attempted to That thai sholde not in wende, prevent the other But be take or slayn̄ þat daye. peers from entering. Roulande to his felowes saide: “Beth alle of right gode chere! 2592 And we shal make hem alle afrayde, E[rh] we go to oure soupere.” There byganne a bykeringe bolde A fearful struggle Of x Bachelers that tyde, 2596 begins. [p075 BRYER IS SLAIN.] Agayne iijc men̄ I-tolde, That durste righte wel a-byde. Tho was Durnedale set a werke, [leaf 65] XL of hethen he sloughe, 2600 He spared neþe[rh] lewde ner clerke, And Floripas the[rh]-of loughe. The shotte, the caste was so stronge, Syr Bryer was slayn̄ there 2604 Sir Bryer is killed. With dartes, gauylokes and speres longe, xx^{ti} on hym there were. Roulande was woo and Olyue[rh], Thay sloughen̄ alle that thai mette. 2608 Tho fledde the Turkes alle for fe[rh], At last the Saracens Thay durste no longer lette take to flight. And saide, thai we[rh] no men, But develis abroken̄ oute of helle, 2612 “.iij. hundred of vs agayn̄ hem ten̄. Oure lorde Mahounde hem qwelle! XL of vs here be ascaped, And hardde we be bistadde.”— 2616 “Who so wole of hem̄ more be iaped, I holde him worsse than madde.” Tho Roulande and Olyue[rh] The peers retire Maden̄ grete woo and sorowe, 2620 inside the castle, And token̄ the corps of Sir Bryere taking the corpse of And beryed it on the morowe. Bryer with them. Florip«e» asked Roulande anoone Floripas enquires “Where is my loue Sir Gye?”— 2624 after Guy, “Damesel” he saide “he is goon̄, And therfore woo am I.”— and on hearing of his “Alas” she saide “than am I dede, capture, begins to Nowe Gye my lorde is slayn̄, 2628 lament despairingly. Shall I neuer more ete brede Tille that I may se him̄ agayn̄.”— “Be stille” q«uo»d Roulande “and haue no ca[rh], Roland promises to We shal hym̄ haue ful wele. 2632 rescue Guy. [p076 GUY IS GOING TO BE HANGED,] Tomorowe wele we thiderward fa[rh] With spere and shelde of stele. But we bringe him to this Tou[rh]— Leeve me elles no more— 2636 With victorye and grete honou[rh], Or thay shalle abye it ful sore.” [leaf 66] On the morowe, whan tha daye was clere, Laban ordeynede Gye honged to be. 2640 On the following He cleped forth Sir Tampere morning Laban orders And badde him do make a Galowe tr«e», Sir Tamper to erect “And set it even̄ by-fore the tou[rh], a gallows before That þilke hore may him see; 2644 the castle, where For by lord Mahounde of honou[rh], Floripas could see it. This traito«u»r there shalle honged be. Take withe the .iij. hundred knigħtes Of Ethiopis, Indens and Ascopartes, 2648 That bene boolde and hardy to fight With Wifles, Fauchons, Gauylokes[173] and Dartes; Leste þat lurdeynes come skulkynge oute, For ever thay haue bene shrewes. 2652 Loke ech«e» of hem̄ haue sucħ a cloute, That thay neuer ete moo Sewes.” Forth thay wente with Sir Gye, Guy is led bound. That bounde was as a thefe faste, 2656 Tille thay come the tow[rh] ful nye; Thai rered the Galowes in haste. Roulande perceyued here doynge And saide “felows, let armes[174]! 2660 Roland calls his I am ful gladde of here comynge, companions to arms. Hem shall not helpe her charmes.” Oute thai riden a wele gode spede, They rush forth. Thai ix towarde hem alle. 2664 Florip witħ here maydyns toke gode hede, Biholdinge over the tou[rh] walle. Thai met first witħ Sir Tampe[rh], [p077 BUT IS RESCUED BY ROLAND AND OLIVER.] God gife him evelle fyne! 2668 Such a stroke lente hym Olyue[rh], Oliver cuts down Sir He clefe him down̄ to the skyne. Tamper; Roland kills Rouland bare the kinge of Ynde a king of India, Ther with his spere frome his stede. 2672 .iiij. fote it passed his bak byhynde, His herte blode þe[rh] didde he blede. He caught the stede, he was ful goode, And the swerde, þat the kinge hadde, 2676 takes his sword and And rode to Gye, there he stode, horse, [leaf 67] and And onbounde hym̄ and bade him be gladde. gives them to Guy, And girde him witħ that goode swerde, having unbound him. And lepen vppon̄ here stedes. 2680 “Be thou” he saide “righte nougħt a-ferde, But helpe vs wightly at this nede.” They slay many An hundred of hem sone thay slowe Saracens, and put the Of the beste of hem alle; 2684 rest to flight. The remen«au»nte a-way fast thay flowe, That foule motte hem byfalle! Rouland and his Felowes were glad That Gye was safe in dede. 2688 Thay thanked god, that thay[175] him hadde Gyfen thay«e»† sucħ grace to spede. As thay wente towarde the Tou[rh], Retiring towards the A litil bysyde the hye waye, 2692 castle, Thai saugh comynge with grete vigou[rh] they see admiral An hundred vppon̄ a laye.[176] Costroye and Costroye ther was, the Admyra[l~l], the soudan’s With vitaile grete plente, 2696 standard-bearer And the stondarte of the Sowdon̄ Roial. escorting a great Towarde Mauntrible riden̄ he, convoy, destined for .iiij. Chariotes I-charged witħ flessh and brede, the sultan, across a And two othe[rh] with wyne, 2700 field near the high Of divers colouris, yolowe, white and rede, road. And iiij Somers of spicery fyne. [p078 THE PEERS LAY HOLD OF A CONVOY.] Tho saide Roulande to Olyue[rh]: “With these meyne moste we shifte, 2704 To haue parte of here vitailes he[rh], For therof us nedith by my thrifte.”— “Howe, sires” he saide “god you see! Roland calls to them We pray youe for youre curtesye, 2708 Parte of your Vitaile gr«a»unte me, to share the For we may nother borowe ner bye.” provisions with them. Tho spake Cosdroye, that Admyral, “Ye gete none here for nogħt. 2712 Costroye refuses, Yf ye oght chalenge in specia[l~l], It most be dere I-boght.”— “O gentil knightes” q«uo»d Olyuere, “He is no felowe, þat wole haue alle.” 2716 “Go fortħ” q«uo»d the stondart, “thoᶙ getist noon here, Thy parte shalle be fulle smalle.”— “Forsoth” q«uo»d Roulande “and shift we wole, [leaf 68] Gete the better, who gete maye! 2720 To parte with the nedy it is gode skille, And so shalle ye by my faye.” He rode to the Admyral witħ his swerde and is slain by And gafe him suche a cloute, 2724 Roland. No wonder thogħ he were aferde, Both his eyȝen̄ braste oute. Olyuere met withe the proude stondarde, He smote him througħ the herte. 2728 Oliver kills the That hade he for his rewarde; standard-bearer. That wounde gan̄ sore smerte. Thai were slayn̄, that wolde fight Er durste bikure abyde. 2732 Thai forsoke her parte anoon̄ rigħt, It lefte alle on̄ that on̄ side. Forth thai drewen̄ þat vitaile The convoy is Streight in-to the Toure. 2736 conveyed into the There was no man̄ durst hem assayle castle. For drede of here vigou[rh]. [p079 THE SOUDAN DEFIES HIS GODS.] Florip«e» hem resceyved w«i»t«h» honou[rh] And thanked Roulande fele sythe, 2740 Floripas thanks That she saugħ Gye hir paramou[rh], Roland for bringing That wolde she him qwite and kith«e». back Sir Guy, Thai eten̄ and dronken and made hem gladde, Hem neded ther aftyr fulle sore 2744 Of suche, as god hem sente hade, I-nowe for iiij moonþes and more. and proposes that he Florip saide to Roulande than, shall choose himself “Ye moste chese you a love[177] 2748 a mistress from Of alle my maydyns, white as swan̄.”— amongst her maidens. Q«uo»d Rouland “þat were myscheve; But Roland refuses to Oure lay wole not, þat we w«i»t«h» youe dele, take any that is no Tille that ye Cristyn̄ be made; 2752 Christian. Ner of your play we wole not fele, For than̄ were we cursed in dede.” NOWE shall ye here of Laban̄. The soudan, on Whan tidyngg«es» to him we[rh] comen̄, 2756 hearing such bad news, Tho was he a fulle sory man̄. Whan he herde, howe his vitaile were nomen̄, And howe his men were slayne, And Gye was go safe hem̄ froo, 2760 [leaf 69] He defyed Mahounde and Apolyne, again defies his gods, Iubiter, Ascarot and Alcaron̄ also. He co«m»maundede a fire to be digħt and threatens to With picche and Brymston̄ to bren̄. 2764 throw them into the He made a vowe with alle his mygħt, flames. “Thai shal be caste ther-Inne!” The prestes of he[rh] lawe ther-on̄, Thai criden̄ oute for drede 2768 And saide “alas, what wole ye done? The worse than moste ye spede!” The Sowdon̄ made a grete othe And swore by his hye trone, 2772 That though hem were never so lotħ, [p080 RICHARD ARRIVES AT MANTRIBLE.] Thai sholde be brente Ichon̄. Tho came the bisshop«e» Cramadas But bishop Cramadas And kneled bifore the Sowdon̄, 2776 kneels before him and And charged him by the hye name Sathanas, appeases him. To saven his goddes ychon̄: “For if ye brenne youre goddes he[rh], Ye wynnyn̄ her malison̄, 2780 Than wole no man do yoᶙ che[rh], In feelde, Cite, ne[rh] in town̄.” The Sowdon̄ was astonyed þan And gan him sore repente 2784 Of the foly, that he bygan̄, And els hade he be shente. A thousande of Besaunt«es» he offred þaym to, The soudan makes an By counsail of sir Cramadas, 2788 offering of 1000 To please witħ his goddys tho, besants to his gods. For fere of harde grace. The Sowdone co«m»maunded eu«er»y daye To assaile the tou[rh] witħ caste. 2792 But thay with-in gafe no«t» an Eye, For thai wroghte in wast. When Richard arrived NOWE speke we of Richarde of Normandy, as far as Mantrible, That on message was sente, 2796 he found the bridge Howe he spede and his meyne. barred by 24 chains, Whan he to Mauntrible wente, and Alagolafre He founde the brigge Ichayned sore; standing before it. xxiiij^{ti} were ouere-drawen̄. 2800 [leaf 70] Alagolofure stode there byfore, That many a man hade slawene. Whan Richard saugħ, ther was no gate, Determined not to But by flagot the flode, 2804 leave his errand His message wolde he not lete; unperformed, he knelt His hors was botħ bigge and goode. down and commended He kneled, bisechinge god of his grace, himself to God. A To save him fro myschiefe. 2808 hind appears A white hende he saugħ anoon̄ in þ«a»t place, [p081 RICHARD CROSSES THE RIVER AND OVERTAKES CHARLES.] That swam̄ ove[rh] the cliffe. and swims across. He blessed him in godis name Richard follows her, And folowed the same waye 2812 and, passing over in The gentil hende, þat was so tame, safety, That on̄ þat othir side gan playe. He thanked god fele syth«e», That him hade sente comforte. 2816 He hied him in his message swiþe, hurries on to To speke witħ Charles his lorde. Charlemagne. But I shalle yoᶙ telle of a trayto«ur», That his name was called Genelyne, 2820 He counseiled Charles for his honou[rh] Meanwhile Genelyn, To turne homewarde ageyn̄. the traitor, had He saide “the xij peres bene alle dede, advised Charles to And ye spende your goode in vayne, 2824 retire to France, And therfore dotħ nowe by my rede, because the 12 peers Ye shalle see hem no more certeyn̄.” were all slain. The The kinge bileved þat he saide, king believed him, And homwarde gan he fare. 2828 and marched homeward, He of his xij Dosiperes was sore dismayed, lamenting for his His herte woxe right fulle of ca[rh]. peers. Richard Rycharde of Normandy came prikande overtakes him, and is And hertly to ride begane. 2832 recognised by Charles, Kinge Charles aspyed him comande; He c«om»maunded to abide eu«er»y man̄. who asks him about “What tidingg«es»?” q«uo»d the kinge to Richarde, the others. Richard “Howe fare my felowes alle?” 2836 tells the king, how “My lorde” he saide “god wote, ful harde, they are besieged For thai be byseged with-in ston-walle, within the castle, Abydynge youre helpe and you[rh] socou[rh], and are waiting for As men þat haue grete nede. 2840 his assistance. For Ih«es»ues loue, kinge of honou[rh], Thiderward ye yoᶙ spede!” Charles, vowing “O Genelyne” q«uo»d the kinge, vengeance on “Nowe knowe I thy treson̄, 2844 [leaf 71] Genelyn, I shalle the qwite, be seynte Fremounde, [p082 CHARLES MARCHES TO AGREMORE.] Whan̄ this viage is don̄.” The kinge turned him ageyn̄, turned and marched to And alle his Ooste him witħ, 2848 Agremore. Towarde Mountrible certeyne. And[178] gr«a»unte him gree and grith! Richarde him tolde of that place, Howe stronge it was I-holde 2852 Richard informed him With a geaunte foule of face, of the giant, who The brigge hath chayned many folde; kept the bridge, The River was both depe and brode, Ther myght no man̄ over-ryde. 2856 and how he had passed “The last tyme that I over-rode, the river by a By myracle I passed þat tide. miracle. Therfore sir, I shal yoᶙ telle, Howe ye mote governe yoᶙ here. 2860 In yonde wode ye moste dwelle He proposed a plan, Priuely in this mane[rh], that 12 knights And xij of vs shalle vs araye disguised as In gyse of stronge marchauntes, 2864 merchants, with And fille oure somers withe fog and haye, To passe the brigge Currauntes. We shalle be armed vnder the cote their arms hidden With goode swerdes wele I-gyrde, 2868 under their clothes, We moste paye tribute, wele I wote, should pay the toll, And elles over we may not sterte. and the bridge being But whan̄ the chaynes be lete down̄ let down, Ouer ther for to passe, 2872 Than wole I, þat ye come on̄, In haste to that same place. Whan̄ I see tyme for to come, Than̄ shalle I my horne blowe. 2876 should blow a horn Loke, ye be redy alle and some, as a signal for the For that sha[l~l] ye welle knowe.” others to approach. Forth thay wente in þat araye They start and arrive To Mountrible, that Cite. 2880 at Mantrible. [p083 THE BRIDGEWARD OF MANTRIBLE REFUSES TO LET THEM PASS.] Alagolofu[rh] to hem̄ gan seye, Alagolafre asks “Felawes, wheder wole ye?” whither they are Richarde spake to the geaunte going. And saide “towarde the Sowdon̄, 2884 Richard says, they With dyu[e]rs chaffe[rh] as trewe marchaunte, are merchants on We purpose for to goon̄, their way to the To shewen him of pellu[rh] and Gryse,[179] Soudan, Orfrays of Perse Imperyalle, 2888 [leaf 72] We wole the yefe tribute of assaye and they are willing To passe by lycence in especya[l~l].” to pay the toll. “Licence gete ye noon̄ of me,[180] Alagolafre refuses to I am charged that noone sha[l~l] passe, 2892 let them pass, and For x lurdeyns of Fraunce were he[rh]; tells them about the God yefe hem evell grace! 10 knights, who had Thay passed this way to Egramou[rh]; passed there and done Thay haue done the Sowdon̄ grete tene, 2896 so much mischief to Thay have wonne his toure and his tresou[rh], the Soudan; And yet holde thai it, I wene. Wherfo[rh], felawes, I arest yoᶙ alle, therefore he will Tille I knowe, what þat ye bene.” 2900 arrest them all. Sire Focarde brayde oute his swerde witħ-alle, Sir Focard draws his Wel sore he gan to tene sword and And saide “fye on̄ the Sarasyne! For alle thy grete harde hede 2904 Shaltow never drinke wat«er» ner wyne, By god! thou shalte be dede.” He smote at him witħ egre chere smites at him. But he gafe thereof right nought. 2908 “Alas” q«uo»d Richard “thou combrest vs he[rh], By god, that me de[rh] hatħ boghte.” The cheynes yet we[rh] alle faste, The geaunte wexe nere wode, 2912 Richard blewe his horne in haste, Richard blows his That was both shrille and goode. horn, and Charles Kinge Charles hied him anoon̄ advances. [p084 ALAGOLAFRE AND BARROCK ARE SLAIN.] Towarde the brigge so longe; 2916 The Geaunte faught with hem̄ alone, He was so harde and stronge. With a Clo[g|] of an̄ Oke he faugħt, Alagolafre fights That was wele bound with stele. 2920 them with a great oak He slough al þat eve[rh] he raugħt, club. So stronge was his dinte to dele. Richard seizes a bar Richard raught him witħ a bar[rh] of bras, of brass and knocks That he caught at the gate. 2924 him down. He brake his legges, he cryed “alas” And felle alle che[k|]-mate. Loude than̄ gan̄ he to yelle; Thay herde him yelle througħ þat Cite, 2928 Like the grete develle of helle, And saide “Mahounde, nowe helpe me!” [leaf 73] iiij men him caught the[rh], 4 men get hold of him So hevy he was and longe, 2932 and throw him into And cast him ouer in-to the rive[rh]. the river. Chese he, whither[181] he wolde swy«m»me or gon[g|]! They loosened the Anoon̄ thay brast the Chaynes alle, chains; That ouer the brigge were I-drawe. 2936 The Saresyns ronnen̄ to the walle, but, the Saracens Many Cristen̄ men were the[rh] I-slawe. assembling on the Than came forth Dam barro[k|], the bolde, walls of the city, With a sith«e» large and kene, 2940 many Christians were And mewe a-down̄ as þikke as shepe in slain. Alagolafre’s folde, wife, Barrock the That came byforne hir by-dene. giantess, comes on This Barro[k|] was a geaunesse, with her scythe and And wife she was to Astragote, 2944 mows down all whom She did the Cristen̄ grete distresse, she meets. She felled downe alle þat she smote. There durst no man hire sithe abyde, She grenned like a develle of helle. 2948 Kinge Charles with a quarel þat tide Charles dashes out Smote hir, that she lowde gan̄ yelle, her brains, [p085 CHARLES IS SHUT IN IN THE TOWN.] Euer[182] the founte througħ-oute the brayn̄; That cursede fende fille down̄ dede. 2952 Many a man hade she there slayn̄, Might she never aftyr ete more brede! Charles entred in the firste warde and with 15 knights With xv knightis and no moo; 2956 enters the outer gate Of hym his oste toke no garde, of the town, He wende his oste hade entred also. thinking his army The Sarysyns ronne to the gate, would follow him. And shet it wonder faste. 2960 But the gate was Charles men̄ come to late; instantly closed upon Tho was Charles sore agaste. him, and his men came Betwene two wardes he was shit, too late. Defende he him if he can̄! 2964 The Sarysyns with him thay mette, Charles was in great Grete parel was he in than̄. danger; Tho Genelyne saie, the kinge was inne but Genelyn, seeing And the yates faste I-stoke, 2968 him shut in, Ther myght no man̄ to him wynne, So was he faste witħ-inne I-loke, To his frendes he gan speke And saide “the kinge is dede, 2973 [leaf 74] exclaimed And alle xij peres eke. that the king and On peyne” said he “to lese my«n» hede, the 12 peers were Let vs hye to Fraunce warde! dead, and proposed to For I wele be crownede kinge, 2976 retire, as he wished I shalle yoᶙ alle wele rewarde, to be king himself. For I wole spare for no thinge.” Anoon̄ thay assented to Genelyne, Thay saugh, ther was no bett«er» rede. 2980 The Frenssh men̄ drewe hem̄ al ayene, They are going to Thay wende the kinge hade bene dedde. return, Tho Ferumbras witħ his meyne than̄ but Ferumbras Came for to seke the kinge, 2984 And saugh hem turne eu«er»y man̄; [p086 CHARLES IS RESCUED BY FERUMBRAS.] Him thought, it was a wondir thin[g|]. “Where is the kinge?” q«uo»d Ferumbras. Q«uo»d Genelyne “with-in the walle, 2988 Shaltowe neue[rh] more seen̄ his face!” “God gyf the an̄ yvel falle! Turne agayne, thoᶙ traytoure! calls him a traitour, And helpe to reskowe thy lorde. 2992 And ye, sires, alle for you[rh] honou[rh]!” rallies the French, Thay turned agayne with that worde. Ferumbras with axe in honde, and with his axe Myghtyly brake up the gate, 2996 bursts open the gate. Ther myght laste him noon̄ yron̄ bonde, He hade ne[rh]-honde I-come to late. The kinge hadde fought so longe witħ-ynne, That onnethe myght he no more. 3000 Many ther were abouten̄ him, His men̄ were wounded ful sore. Ferumbras came with gode spede, He made the Sarasyns to fle. 3004 He chased the He reskowed the kinge at his nede, Saracens and rescued XL Sarasyns sone killed he. the king. Thai ronnen a-weye by every side, Thai durste nowhe[rh] rowte. 3008 In shorte tyme was falled her pride, Thay caught many a sore cloute. That Cite was wo«n»ne that same daye, Mantrible is taken, And every tou[rh] ther-ynne 3012 Of Mountreble, þat was so gaye, For alle he[rh] soubtile gynne, [leaf 75] Fulle of tresou[rh] and richesse, with all its engines Of Siluer and goolde and per[rh], 3016 and treasures. And clothes of goolde, wroght of Saresynes, Of riche aray and roialte. Richard found 2 Richarde, Duke of Normandy, children of 7 months Founde ij Children of .vij. monþes oolde,[183] 3020 old and [p087 HE HURRIES ON TO AGREMORE.] xiiij fote longe we[rh] thay, 4 feet high. Thay we[rh] Barrakes so«n»nes so boolde; They were sons of Bygote thay we[rh] of Astragot. Barrock, begotten by Grete joye the kinge of he«m» hade. 3024 Astragot. Hethen̄ thay we[rh] botħ, wele I wote, Therfore hem̄ to be cristenede he bade. Charles caused them He called þat one of hem Roulande, to be baptized, and And that other he cleped Olyue[rh]: 3028 called the one Roland “For thai shalle be myghty men of honde.” and the other Oliver. To kepen̄ hem, he was fulle chere. Thay myght not leve, her Dam was dede; But they soon died Thai coude not kepe hem fortħ. 3032 Thai wolde neyþer ete butt«er» nere brede, Ner no men̄[184] was to hem worthe. He[rh] Da«m»mes mylke they lakked the[rh], for want of their Thay deyden for defaute of here dam. 3036 mother’s milk. Kinge Charles made hevy che[rh], And a sory man̄ was than. The kinge lete ordeyne anoon̄, The Cite to be gouerne[d+] 3040 Of the worthyest of hem̄ ychon̄, That weren of wer[rh] best lerne[d+]. Duke Richarde of Normandy, The king appoints He was made chief gou«er»nou[rh]; 3044 Richard governor of And ij C with him in hys company the city, To kepe the brigge and tou[rh]. Fortħ he rode to laban̄ than̄, and hurries on With his Ooste and Si[rh] Ferumbras. 3048 to Agremore with A spye to the Sowdon̄ fast ran his army and with And tolde him al that cas, Ferumbras. How Charles was come with his ost, And Mountrible hade he wonne, 3052 “Alagolofur slayn̄ is for alle his bost, This game was evel begon̄.” Whane laban herde of his comynge, [p088 FLORIPAS RECOGNISES THE FRENCH BANNER.] Him thought his herte gan breke. 3056 “Shalle I never be withoute moornynge, [leaf 76] Tille I of him be wreke.” He co«m»maunded to blowe his Claryons To assemble alle his Ooste. 3060 His counsaile to him he lete calle And tolde, how kinge Charles was in þat coost, Laban, being told by Hadde wonne Mountrible and slayn̄ his men a spy that his city “And dishirytħ to disheryte me, 3064 was taken and the And proudely manessith me to fleen̄, bridge-ward killed, Or drive me oute of this contr«e». Me mervaylythe moch of his pride. By Mahounde, moost of mygħt! 3068 Ye and my sone withe him doth ride, To the develle I hem bedigħt. But I be venget of hem both swears to avenge him. And honge hem̄ on a tree, 3072 To myghty Mahounde I make myne othe, Shalle I never Joyfulle be. Therfore I charge yoᶙ in alle wyse He calls a council, That thay be taken or slayn̄. 3076 and charges his Thane shalle I py«n»ne heme at my gyse barons to take And don̄ hem alle qwike be flayn̄.” Charles alive that On the morowe, whan it was day, he might flay him. Kinge Charles was in the felde, 3080 Charles approaches. Byfore Agremou[rh] in riche aray On stede witħ spe[rh] and sheelde. Floripe lay on the tou[rh] on̄ hye Floripas first And knewe the bane[rh] of Fraunce. 3084 recognises the banner To Roulande she gan faste crye of France Tidynges of goode chaunce: “Kinge Charles is comen and Ferumbras, and tells the others. Here baners botħ I do see, 3088 With alle her oste yonde[rh] in þat place; Welcome to vs thay alle be.” Roulande and Olyuere [p089 CHARLES DISMOUNTS LABAN AND LEADS HIM TO AGREMORE.] Arayed hem for to ride; 3092 Roland and all his And here felawes alle in fe[rh], companions sally To Charles thay gon̄ that tyde. forth to meet Laban come forth with his mayne, Charlemagne. Laban Saresyns, that were ful felle, 3096 draws up all his Turkes, Indens, and Arabye people Ye and of the Ethiopes like the develes of helle. There were stronge wardes sette [leaf 77] By ordynaunce of dyuers batayle. 3100 in battle-order. Whan thay to geder were met, Eythir othir sore gan̄ assayle. Ther were Saresyns al to-hewe; The French make a Roulande sloughe many one. 3104 great slaughter of Thay lay so thikke dede on rewe, the Saracens. That onneþe myghte men ride or goon̄. Kinge Charles met with Laban̄ Charles encounters And bare him down̄ of his stede, 3108 the Soudan, unhorses He lighted down̄ and ceased him than̄, him, He thought to qwite him his mede. He brayde oute Mown̄joye wytħ gode wille And wolde have smeten of his hede, 3112 and would have cut Ferumbras prayde him to abyde stille, To crysten̄ him, er he we[rh] dede. off his head, but The Saresyns saughe Laban take, for Ferumbras, who Thay fledden̄ away fulle faste. 3116 requested that Lenger durste thay no maistryes make, his father might Thai were so sore agaste. be baptized. The The Cristen̄ hem chased to and fro, Saracens, seeing As a grehounde doth the hare. 3120 Laban a prisoner, .iij. c. ascaped with moche woo, fly; but the To Belmore gan thay fa[rh]. Christians pursue Kinge Charles ladde Laban̄ them. 300 escaped to In-to Agremou[rh] Cite. 3124 Belmarine. Charles And whan̄ þat he the[rh] came leads Laban to A ful sory man was he. Agremore. Floripas His doghter welcomed him welcomes her father, [p090 FLORIPAS BRINGS OUT THE SACRED RELICS.] W«i»t«h» right gode che[rh].[185] 3128 He loked on hir al grymme, but he is enraged at As he wode wroth we[rh], seeing her. And saide “fye on the, stronge hore, Mahounde confounde the!” 3132 Charles saide “here-of no more, But let us nowe mery be!”— “Sir” she saide thanne, She then bids “Welcome ye be into this tou[rh]! 3136 Charlemagne welcome, Here I presente to you, as I can, and presents the holy Relikes of grete honou[rh], relics to him. That were at Rome I-wonnen̄ And broght into this halle. 3140 That game was evel bygo«n»nen̄, It sithen rewed us alle.” [leaf 78] Kinge Charles kneled adown̄ To kisse the Relikes so goode, 3144 Charles kisses them, And badde the[rh] an̄ oryson̄ and says a prayer; To that lorde, þat deyde on̄ rode. he then thanks And þanked Floripe witħ al his herte, Floripas for her That she hade saued his meyne 3148 assistance to his And holpe hem oute of peynes smerte knights, and for And kepte the Relekes so fre. having preserved the Kinge Charles did calle bisshop«e» Turpyn̄ precious relics. He And bade him ordeyne a grete fat, 3152 orders Turpin to To baptyse the Sowdon̄ yne; prepare a vessel, “And loke what he shalle hat. wherein to baptize Unarme him faste and bringe him ne[rh], the Soudan I shal his godfader be. 3156 Fille it fulle of wate[rh] cle[rh], For Baptysed shalle he be. Make him naked as a Childe, He moste plunge ther-inne. 3160 For now most he be meke and mylde, and to wash off his And I-wassh awaye his synne.” sin in the water. [p091 LABAN IS SLAIN, AND FLORIPAS WEDDED TO GUY.] Turpyn toke him by the honde Turpin leads Laban to And ladde him to the fonte. 3164 the font, He smote the bisshope witħ a bronde but the Soudan And gaf him an evel bronte. strikes at him, He spitted in the water cle[rh] spits on the vessel, And cryed oute on hem alle, 3168 utters invectives And defied alle þat cristen̄ we[rh]. against all That foule mote him by-falle! Christians, “Ye and thoᶙ, hore serpentyne, And that fals cursed Ferumbras, 3172 and curses Ferumbras. Mahounde gyfe hem botħ evel endyn[g|], And almyghty Sathanas! By you came all my sorowe, And al my tresure for-lorne. 3176 Honged be ye both er tomorowe! In cursed tyme were ye born̄.” Ferumbras saide to the kinge, “Sir, ye see, it wole not be, 3180 Lete him take his endynge, For he loueth not Cristyante.” “Duke Neymes” q«uo»d Charles tho, Charles commands “Loke þat execucion̄ be don̄, 3184 Naymes to cut off his Smyte of his hedde! god gyfe him woo! head. [leaf 79] And goo we to mete anoone.” It was done as the kinge co«m»maunde, He is executed; his His soule was fet to helle, 3188 soul goes to hell, To daunse in þat sory lande there to dance with With develes, þat we[rh] ful felle. devils. Dame Florip was Baptysed than̄ And here maydyns alle, 3192 Floripas was baptized And to Sir Gye I-maryed. with all her maidens, The Barons honoured hir alle. and wedded to Guy. Alle the londe of Spayne Charles divided Spain Kinge Charles gyfe hem̄ two, 3196 between Guy and To departe bitwyxt hem twayne, Ferumbras, Ferumbras and Gȳ also. [p092 CHARLES RETURNS TO FRANCE.] And so thay livede in ioye and game, And brethern̄ both thay we[rh], 3200 In pees and wer[rh] both I-same, The[rh] durste no man̄ hem de[rh]. Kinge Charles turned home agayn̄ Towarde his contr«e», 3204 He charged Sir Brye[rh] of Bretayne and charges Sir Bryer His tresoure[rh] for to be: of Bretayne to take To kepe the Relikes of grete pris care of the relics, And his other tresou[rh], 3208 and to bring all his And bringe hem safe to Parys, treasure to Paris. There to a-bide in store. He saide “farewell, Sir Ferumbras, Ye and Gye, my dere frende! 3212 After taking leave of And thy wyf Dame Floripas! Guy and Floripas, For to Fraunce nowe wole I wende. Be ye togeder as breth[e]rn̄ botħ! No man̄ ye neditħ to drede, 3216 Be ye nevere to-gedere wrotħ, But eyther helpe othir at his nede. Vysityth me, whan̄ ye haue space; In-to Fraunce makitħ your disporte, 3220 God wole you sende the bett«er» grace, In age to do me comforte.” Thai toke leve of the kinge, With ful hevy che[rh], 3224 And turned agayn̄ botħ mornynge, With wepynge water cle[rh]. Kinge Charles with the victory he sails to Mounpeler, Sailed to Mou«n»peleres, 3228 And thanked almyghty god in glorye, [leaf 80] where he That he hade saued his Dosiperes, thanks God for the And fende him of the Saresynes victory, The hyer honde to have, 3232 For alle here strenghe[186] and he[rh] Engynes [p093 GENELYN IS HANGED AT PARIS.] The Relikes of Rome to saue. and for the relics. At oure lady of Parys He presents the He offred the Crosse so fre; 3236 cross to Paris, the The Crown̄ he offred at seynte Denyse, Crown to St. Denis, At Boloyne the nayles thr«e». the three nails to Alle his Barons of him we[rh] gladd, Boulogne. Thai gafe him grete presente. 3240 For he so wele hade I-spedde, Thay did him grete reuerence. Charles well The kinge hade wel in mynde remembered the The tresone of Genelyne, 3244 treachery of Genelyn, Anoon̄ for him he dide sende To yefe him an evel fyne: “Thou traito«ur» unkynde” q«uo»d the kynge, “Remembrist thoᶙ not how ofte 3248 Thou hast me betrayed, þ«o»u fals Genelyne? Therfore thoue shalt be honged on lofte!— Loke that the execucion̄ be don̄, That throgh Parys he be drawe, 3252 and ordered him to be And honged on hye on mou«n»t Fawcon̄, drawn and hanged at As longeth to traytoures by lawe; Montfaucon in Paris. That alle men shall take hede, What deth trayto«ur»ys sha[l~l] fele, 3256 That assente to such falshede, Howe the wynde here bodyes shal kele.” Thus Charles Thus Charles conquered Laban̄, conquered the Soudan The Sowdon̄ of Babyloyne, 3260 of Babylone. That riche Rome stroyed and wan̄ And alle the brode londe of Spayn̄. [187] . . . . . .[an]d of his Barons . . . . . . .[hi]s pride 3264 . . . . . . . .eligons . . . . . . . .þat tyde . . . . . . .on Charles soule . . . . . . .s also 3268 [p094 CONCLUSION.] . . . . . . .Peter and Poule God lete hem never wete of woo! [leaf 81] But brynge here soules to goode reste! That were so worthy in dede. 3272 And gyf vs ioye of the beste, God give joy to all That of here gestes rede! who read this romance. Here endithe the Romaunce of the Sowdon of Babyloyne and of Ferumbras his sone who conquerede Rome, And Kynge Charles off Fraunce withe xij. Dosyperes toke the Sowdon in the feelde And smote of his heede. FOOTNOTES: [89] «Read»: myghtes [90] «MS.» dōō [91] «leaf worn.» [92]–† «See the note.» [93] «See the note.» [94] «or» Ar [95] «See the note.» [96] «See the note.» [97] «looks like» hound. [98] «Read» ‘wide’ [99] «sic.»? assaute. [100] «MS.» M^l [101] «This line in a much later hand.» [102] «Read»: were ordeyned [103] Estragote [104] «Read»: reste [105] «See the note.» [106] «MS.» Oost «corrected to» Cost. [107] «Read»: a ras. [108] «See the note.» [109] «Read»: We [110] «MS.» Berumbras. [111] «See the note.» [112] «Read»: ‘without faile.’ [113] «See the note.» [114] «Read»: ‘a ras.’ [115] «MS.» met. [116] «See the note.» [117] «MS. is rubbed, but it looks more like» welawai. [118] «Read»: ‘reliqes.’ [119] «A modern hand has written in the margin» “Mount.” [120] «See the note.» [121] «Insert»: ‘gan.’ [122] «Read»: ‘sone.’ [123] «Read»: ‘lefe.’ [124] «Read»: ‘as thenketh.’ [125] «Blank in MS. See the note.» [126] «MS.» deistowe. [127] «Read»: ‘free.’ [128] «MS.» ensuce. [129] «See the note.» [130]–† «See the note.» [131] «Probably an error for» ‘half.’ [132] «In the margin the Scribe adds»:—‘The merci Ladi helpe.’ [133] «See the note.» [134] «Read»: ‘soghten.’ [135]–†: «See the note.» [136] «Read»: ‘caughte.’ [137] As«c»opartes. [138] «Miswritten for» ‘bounde«n».’ [139] ‘was.’ [140] «Read»: ‘dirke.’ [141] «Read»: ‘mente.’ [142] «Read»: ‘trew.’ [143] «Read»: ‘harme & skathe.’ [144] «See the note.» [145] «Sic in MS. Query»—‘char«g»e.’ [146] «Read»: ‘byleven.’ [147] «Read»: ‘reliqes.’ [148] «Read»: ‘I dyne.’ «See the note.» [149] «Sic in MS. Read»: ‘ye.’ [150]–† «These two lines are written as one in the MS.» [151] MS. i^ouste. [152] «Miswritten for» ‘were’? [153] «MS.» strowde. [154] «Read»: ‘a-«w»apide.’ [155] «Read»: ‘Assye.’ [156] «See the note.» [157] «These two lines are written as one in the MS.» [158] «See the note.» [159] «See the note.» [160] «Read»: ‘lafte.’ [161] «See the note.» [162] «See the note.» [163] «See the note.» [164] «MS.» mete. [165]? I now. [166] «Read»: ‘went.’ [167]? Me. [168]? ‘When.’ [169] «Read»: ‘wende.’ [170]? ‘while.’ [171]? xj. [172] «See the note.» [173] «MS.» Gamylokes. [174] «Read»: ‘as armes.’ [175]-† «See the note.» [176] «MS.» ‘alaye.’ «See the note.» [177] «Read»: ‘leve.’ [178] «Read»: ‘God.’ [179] «Read»: ‘gray.’ [180] «See the note.» [181]? ‘whether.’ [182] «Read» ‘over.’ [183] «See the note.» [184] «Read»: ‘mete.’ [185] «These two lines are written as one in the MS.» [186] «Read»: ‘streng«t»he’ [187] «A corner of the leaf torn off.» [p095] NOTES. Page 1, line 1. «myghteste», evidently an error of the scribe for «myghtes», cf. ll. 1635, 1312, 3068, 2546, 1200, 2059; and «Syr Ferumbras», l. 2719. “Nov help hem þe heȝ kyng of hevene, Þat art of miȝtes most.” «God in glorie» occurs again in l. 3229; cf. the French expression «Damedeu de glore»; «Fierabras» 2332. p. 1, l. 2. «made» and «wroght» in l. 5 are the 2nd person sing. preterite, which in all other instances in this poem ends in «-est». But perhaps we might suppose a change of person here, and regard «made» and «wroght» as the third person. For examples of the change of person see «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 2719, 4393, and «Guy of Warwick», ed. Zupitza, l. 2324. p. 1, l. 7. «shulde to love»; «to» before an infinitive, governed by an auxiliary verb, is pretty common in Middle English works. See Zupitza’s note to Guy, 1925. p. 1, l. 9. «ȝyfe.» This is the only instance of «ȝ» being written in the present poem at the beginning of a word. «ȝife» is written «if» in all other passages of the poem, cf. ll. 550, 651, 763, and 1061, etc. As to the pronunciation of «ȝ» in the middle of a word, it is doubtful, whether it had still preserved its ancient guttural sound, or not, as the same words are written sometimes with it and sometimes without it, and are often made to rhyme with words in which «ȝ» or «gh» would be etymologically incorrect; e. g. «nye», which is spelt «nyȝe» in l. 2284, rhymes with «Gye», in l. 2657. We even find «whiȝte», in l. 2289, instead of «white» (l. 2008: «smyte»). At the end of a word «ȝ» has the sound of «s». p. 1, l. 13. «idoone.» The prefix «i-», O.E. «ge-», sometimes occurs in this poem, but more frequently it is not written; see «Introduction», p. xxxviii. p. 1, l. 14. cf. l. 2516.—ll. 1–14 may be said to contain the moral of the whole poem, which we know the romance writers to be very fond of placing at the beginning of their works. “La moralité de tout un poème,” says Léon Gautier, in his «Epopées Françaises», I. 233, “est quelquefois exprimée dans ses premiers vers.” [p096] p. 1, l. 16. «moch» = «much» (as in l. 754) is the usual spelling in this poem. We likewise find «meche», l. 179, and «mikille», l. 1016. p. 1, l. 19, «his» refers to «Rome». p. 1, l. 22. Laban, the father of Ferumbras, is styled «sowdan» only in this poem, and once in the «Destruction de Rome», l. 1436: “Les noveles en vindrent al «soldan» diffaié.” The French, the Provençal and the English version of «Sir Ferumbras» all agree to call him «amyral» or «amirans». p. 1, l. 24. The mention of King Louis and of the abbey of St. Denis (l. 27) seems to be an imitation of the «Destruction», l. 7 «et seq.»: “Le chanchon est perdue et le rime fausee, Mais . . li «rois Louis», dont l’alme est trespassee —Ke li fache pardon la verge honoree— Par lui et par Gautier est l’estoire aunee Et le chanchon drescie, esprise et alumee A «saint Dynis» de France premierement trovee.” St. Denis also occurs in the beginning of the French «Fierabras», l. 4: “A «Saint Denis» en France fu li raules trouvés.” Cf. besides note to l. 26. «witnessith» = attests, testifies; cf. Stratmann, p. 645. It occurs again in l. 1489. p. 2, l. 25. «Romaunce», the French or «Romance» language. We often find the authors of romances, both of translations and of imitations from the French, referring to the original; cf. «Syr Eglamour of Artoys», sign. E i: “His own mother there he wedde, In Romaunce as we rede.” Again, fol. ult.: “In Romaunce this cronycle is.” [Quoted by Warton, «History of English Poetry», II. 146, footnote.] p. 2, l. 26. «bokes of antiquyte». This is to be regarded as one of those frequent assertions of the authors of these poems, who in order to give more credit to their tales, thought it necessary to affirm their antiquity and celebrity in old times. Cf. Gautier, «Epop. Fr.», II. 87: “Il fut de bon ton d’annoncer, au commencement de chaque poème, qu’on avait trouvé la matière de ce poème dans quelque vieux manuscrit latin, dans quelque vieille chronique d’abbaye, surtout dans les manuscrits et dans les chroniques de Saint-Denis. On se donnait par là un beau vernis de véracité historique. Plus les trouvèrent ajoutaient aux chansons primitives d’affabulations ridicules, plus ils s’écriaient: ‘Nous avons trouvé tout cela dans un vieux livre.’” p. 2, l. 27. «Seinte Denyse» is the genitive depending on «abbey». p. 2, l. 28. «there as» = where, or where that. See Koch, «Englische Grammatik», II. § 511. p. 2, l. 29. «Laban.» So the father of Ferumbras is called in the «Destruction de Rome», where only in six passages (ll. 891, 899, 1116, 1194, 1174, 981) we find the form «Balan», which is the only one used in the French «Fierabras», in the Provençal version, and in the English [p097] «Syr Ferumbras».—«of hie degre»; this kind of expletive occurs again in l. 100: «clerk of hie degre»; cf. also l. 168: «king of hie honour». p. 2, l. 31. «Cristiante» = the company of Christians, the countries inhabited by Christians, cf. ll. 235, 374. It signifies “the religion taught by Christ” in l. 3182. «Cristiante» and «Christendom» are used promiscuously in Middle English writers. p. 2, l. 33. «Agremare» : «there». The rhyme becomes perfect by reading «Agremore» : «thore», which we find in l. 1805; cf. also l. 1003 «Agremore» : «more» («i. e.» negro), and ll. 672, 775, 2140, 2895. p. 2, l. 34. «Flagot.» See «Index of Names», s. v. Flagot, and cf. note to l. 1723. p. 2, l. 37. This line is too long, nevertheless it seems to be correct as it stands, clearly imitated from several passages of the «Destruction de Rome». l. 420. “Ensamble ou li issirent xv roi corone. Et xiiii amaceours . .” l. 1155. “Bien i ad xxx rois et xiiii amaceours.” l. 689. “xxx roi sont ou li et xiiii amaceours.” l. 163. “Et xiiii amaceours.” p. 2, l. 41. «hit» instead of «it» is found again in l. 2309; in all the other instances «it» is spelt as in modern English. p. 2, l. 42. «pryke», to spur a horse, to excite, to spur or to stimulate. It is O.E. «prician», which occurs in Ælfric’s Grammar, ed. Zupitza, p. 174 («pungo» = «ic pricige»). This and the following line are imitated from Chaucer; cf. C.T. Prologue, ll. 10, 11, and see «Introduction», p. xlvi. «Kynde» = naturalis, ingenuus; «kynde wit» = common sense. «Kynde» is O.E. «cynde» (Modern English «kind»). p. 2, l. 73. «frith» means “forest,” or more correctly “enclosed wood.” The original sense of «forest» is “unenclosed wood” (see Diez, «Etymol. Wörterbuch», I. 185). Stratmann, «Dict.» p. 228, «s. v.» frið, seems to be right in connecting «frith» with O.E. «frið», «freoðo» = pax, tutela, saeptum. Morris, «Allit. Poems», Glossary, derives it from the Gaelic «frith». “«frith» is still used in Provincial English, meaning unused pasture-land, brushwood” (Halliwell). p. 2, l. 45. «yȝe» (O.E. êagum) : «flye» (O.E. flêogan). With regard to the power of «ȝ», see the note to l. 9, and cf. the spelling «eyen» in ll. 826, 1302, 2012. p. 2, l. 46. «tre» may be singular (O.E. «trêowe») as well as plural (O.E. «trêowum»). p. 2, l. 49. The following lines (49–53) correspond with ll. 94–100 of the «Destruction», which run as follows: “Li admirals d’Espaigne s’est ales desporter As puis sur Aigremore, avec li. M. Escler; La fist ses ours salvages a ses hommes berser. La veissies meint viautre, maint brachet descoupler, Payens et Ascopars as espees jouer, Coure par le marine et chacier maint sengler, Maint ostour veisies et maint falcon voler.” [p098] p. 2, l. 50. «shope», literally “shaped:” «he shope him», “he got himself ready, he planned, devised, intended.” The phrase is of frequent occurrence in Chaucer. p. 2, l. 52. «bawson», badger. For the use of badgers, see Skeat’s note to «Specimens of English Literature», p. 383. p. 2, l. 56. «Alaunts», a kind of large dogs of great strength and courage, used for hunting the wolf, the bear, the boar, &c. Cf. “Aboute his chare wente white alauntz Twenty and mo, as grete as any stere, To hunte at the lyoun or at the bere.” «Chaucer», ed. Morris, II. 66/1290. According to Diez («Etymol. Wörterb.», I. 12, «s. v.» “alano”) «alaunts» means “Albanian dogs.” «Lymmeris», “blood-hounds.” Halliwell quotes the following passage: “A dogge engendred betwene an hounde and a mastyve, called a lymmer or a mongrell.” «Lymmer» is the French «limier», O.Fr. «liemier», which etymologically means a dog that a courser leads by a lime, «i. e.» a thong or leash. «Lime» is the same word as French «lien», a leash; Latin «ligamen». «Lymmer» is preserved in Modern English «limer», a “lime-hound.” p. 2, l. 56. «Rache» and «brache» are both retained in the modern speech; «rache» seems to be particularly used in Scotland. “«Brache» is said to signify originally a bitch hound—the feminine of «rache», a foot-scenting dog” (Morris, «Gawayne», Gloss. p. 89). «Rache» is, according to Stratmann, O.Icel. «rakki»; «brache» is O.Fr. «braque», M.H.Ger. «braccho». Cf. also Halliwell’s Dict. «s. v.» “brach.” The French «racaille» is etymologically connected with «rache»; see Diez, «Etym. Wörterb.», II. 407. p. 2, l. 57. «commaunde» for «commaunded» (l. 228), formed on the same analogy as «comforte» (l. 2242) for «comforted» (ll. 312, 2117), «aliȝt» for «alighted»; «gerde» for «girded»; «graunte» (l. 607) for «graunted», etc. p. 2, l. 59. «fere», O.E. «f[^æ]ran» (Mod. Eng. «fear»), is an active verb, meaning “to frighten, to terrify.” It is still found in this sense in Shakespeare.—«launde» : «commaunde». The very same rhyme occurs again in l. 3189, where «launde» is spelt «lande». The rhyme need not cause any difficulty, cf. Guy, p. xi. κ. Or must «launde» be taken here for «lande» = saltus? Cf. Morris, Gloss. to «Allit. Poems», «s. v.» launde. p. 3, l. 62. «set», means “seat, sedes”; O.Icel. «set», O.H.G. «sez», M.H.G. «sitz». This stanza as it stands seems to be incorrect, there being no rhyme to «sete»; possibly a line has been lost after l. 63. p. 3, l. 67. The subject of the sentence is wanting. For more instances see Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 10. It is to be observed that for the most part the subject wanting is of the same person as the object of the preceding sentence.—«he was god and trew of divers langages» = “he well knew, understood them perfectly.” p. 3, l. 68. «dromonde» : «poundis». Read «dromounde» (which occurs l. 125): «pounde» (see l. 2336). [p099] p. 3, l. 69. We find «fro» and «from» in this poem. Both belong to the Midland dialect. «Fro» is confirmed by the rhyme «fro» : «so» (l. 2760). It is derived from the Scandinavian «fra»; Mod. Eng. has retained it in “froward,” and in the phrase “to and fro.” The same word enters as a prefix into composition in O.E. compounds, as «fr-ettan», etc. «Babyloyne», the author pronounced «Babyloyne» as well as «Babylone» (either rhyming, cf. ll. 30, 3260). p. 3, l. 74. «qweynte», “famous, excellent,” cf. Skeat, «Etymol. Dict.» p. 482, «s. v.» quaint. «for the nones», “for the nonce, for the occasion.” Cf. Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 612; it is often used as a kind of expletive. p. 3, l. 75. «to presente you.» The «Destruction de Rome» has: “vous quidai presenter.” p. 3, l. 76. French: “Uns vens nous fist à Rome parmi le far sigler.” «Destr.» l. 120. p. 3, l. 77. Cf. «Destr.» ll. 115–16. See «Introduction», p. xxiii. p. 3, l. 78. About the rhyme «Rome» : «one», see «Introduction», p. xliii. p. 3, l. 79. «bygone», “afflicted, pressed hard;” literally it means, “overrun, covered.” Cf. Shakespeare, «Julius Caesar»: “Even such a one, So pale, so spiritless, and woe-begone.” p. 3, l. 82. «vilane» : «remedye». Read «vilanye», as in l. 2577, where it rhymes with Gye, see «Introduction», p. xliv, and Ellis, «Pronunciation», I. 271. p. 3, l. 83. «colde», used here and in l. 91 in nearly the same sense as in the expressions collected by Zupitza, in his note to «Guy», 1149. p. 3, l. 84. «tithynge.» So with «th» in ll. 1787, 714, 783; in ll. 65, 91, 149, 324, etc., we read «tidinge». There are several instances where «d» and «th» in the middle of a word seem to be promiscuously used in this poem; as «hithire» l. 1265, «hider» 1869 (cf. also «dogdir» 2580, and «doghter» 96, 124, etc.). p. 3, l. 86. Mahounde, Appolyn and Termagant are the principal deities (cf. ll. 2105, 2177, 2761) of the Mahometans, who were considered as pagans = «payens» (ll. 535, 1040) or «paynym» (ll. 539, 866, etc.). Other idols of the Saracens are mentioned in ll. 2761–2 of the «Sowdone». Compare also Gautier’s note to l. 8, of his «Edition critique de la Chanson de Roland», and Skeat, «Prioress’s Tale» (Clarendon P.S.), 161/2000. p. 3, l. 88. «theyme» instead of «hem» occurs only three times in the poem (ll. 88, 1237, 2787). There must be some corruption here, as there is no rhyme to «theym». The last stanza ends at l. 87, and the next one begins at l. 89. As far as the sense is concerned we could easily do without this line; it ought perhaps to be regarded as spurious. p. 3, l. 93. «Ferumbras» is spelt differently in the different versions of the romance. In the «Sowdan» we always find «Ferumbras», in the Ashmole MS. «Ferumbras» and «Fyrumbras». He is called «Fierabras» in the French [p100] «Ferabras» in the Provençal version; the «Destruction» has «Fierabras», but more frequently «Fierenbras». In Caxton’s «Life of Charles the Great» his name is «Fyerabras», Skelton has «Pherumbras», Lyndsay «Pharambras», and in Barbour’s «Bruce» we read «Ferambrace»; see «Introduction», pp. xxv and xxxii. p. 4, l. 99. «Oliborn.» This name does not occur in any other version of this poem. The same is the case with regard to «Espiard», l. 103. None of the French versions gives any name to the Soudan’s messenger. In the Ashmole MS. l. 3823, the messenger is called «Malyngryas». p. 4, l. 102. «Assye» = Asia. This name does not occur in the other versions of the poem; cf. note to l. 1000. p. 4, l. 103. Cf. the «Destruction», l. 202: “Par tote la terre sont li baron mande” «ferre and nere», cf. ll. 117, 996, and the note to l. 528 of «Syr Ferumbras». p. 4, l. 104. «frike», “quick, bold,” O.E. «frec». See Stratmann, «Dictionary», p. 225. p. 4, l. 108. «Þon.» Compare «Introduction», p. xxxvii. p. 4, l. 109. The passage is not clear. Perhaps there is some corruption here and we ought to read: «anon rowte», “assembled quickly, immediately”; «rowte» would then be the preterite formed on the analogy of «lighte», «graunte», «commaunde», etc. See «Introduction», p. xxxviii. p. 4, l. 110. «Destruction», l. 217: “Par C fois M payen.” p. 4, l. 112. «douȝte» : «route». See «Introduction», p. xliv, and note to l. 9. p. 4, l. 113. «Lucafer» is the name of the Saracen King in all the versions of this romance but in the French one, where with the single exception of one passage (l. 2242 «Lucafer»), he is always called «Lucifer», cf. «Introd.» p. xx. p. 4, l. 114. «lorde and governoure.» This repetition of the same idea by two synonymous words, the one of English and the other of French origin, is very common in M.E. writers. Thus we read in this poem, l. 2164 «lorde and sire», l. 225 «serchid and sought», ll. 3199, 1936 «joye and game», l. 742 «wel and fine». p. 4, l. 118. A «carrik» was a kind of large ship, called «caraca» in Italian, «carraca» in Spanish and Portuguese, «carraque» in French, «kraecke» in Dutch. The etymology is not clear. See Diez, «Etymol. Wörterb.», I. 112. Halliwell has ‘«carrack», a Spanish galleon. Sometimes English vessels of great value and size were so called.’ p. 4, l. 119. «Destruction», l. 385: “Par vii fois sont C mil, si l’estoire ne ment.” p. 4, l. 124. «his faire daughter Floripas.» Floripas is described as follows in the «Destruction», ll. 252–262: “Aitant es vous la bele ou il n’out qu’enseignier Vestue d’un diapre, onke ne vi tant chier, [p101] Ses crins sur ses epaules plus lusoient d’or mier, Sa char out bele et blanke plus que noifs en fevrier, Les oes avoit plus noirs que falcon montenier, Et le colour vermaile con rose de rosier, La bouche bien seant et douce pour baisier, Et les levres vermailes come flour de peskier; Les mameles out dures com pomme de pomnier, Plus sont blanches que noifs que chiet apres fevrier; Nuls hom ne porroit ja sa grant bealte preisier.” Compare also the French «Fierabras», ll. 2007, «et seq.» p. 4, l. 128. This line is clearly imitated from the «Destruction», ll. 331–2: “En sa main .i. baston que contremont bailie, Et manace François pour faire les loye.” Cf. «Introduction», p. xxiii. p. 5, l. 131. «breddes», “birds”; «l» and «r» very often change their place in a word. Thus we find «worlde» and «wrolde», «crafti» and «carfti», etc. p. 5, l. 132. «sowdon» and «sowdan» are used promiscuously in the rhymes. p. 5, l. 146. «Destruction», ll. 445–6: “N’i remeigne chastels, dongeons ne fermete Moustiers ne abbeie que ne soit embrase.” p. 5, l. 150. Compare the «Destruction», ll. 503–4: “L’apostoile de Rome ad la novele oie Ke payen sont venu els plains de Romanie.” p. 5, l. 157. «unknowne» makes no sense. Perhaps we ought to read «yknowne» or «not unknowne». In the «Destruction», ll. 509–513— “Seignours, ke le feromes, franke gent segnorie? Li admirals d’Espaigne a no terre seisie; Il en ont ja gastee une moult grant partie: Au bref terme serra ceste terre exillie; Qui bon consail saura vienge avant si nous die.” p. 5, l. 160. «unneth», O.E. «unêaðe», “uneasily, scarcely.” Chaucer has «unnethë», the final «e» being almost always sounded. See «Introduction», p. xxxix. p. 5, l. 163. «gydoure» evidently means “guide, conductor, commander.” p. 5, l. 164. «houne» = hounde. On the elition of final «d», see Skeat, «Specimens of Early English», 320/261, and «Preface to Havelok», p. xxxvii. p. 5, l. 165. «Ifreȝ.» There is no person of this name in any other version. Perhaps this Ifres may be identical with Jeffroi, mentioned as a senator of Rome in the «Destruction» (ll. 1122, 1139, 1367). p. 6, l. 170. About the phrase “douce France” compare Léon Gautier’s note to l. 15 of his «Edition critique de la Chanson de Roland». p. 6, l. 171. «Savaris.» The author has found this name in the «Destruction», l. 540. p. 6, l. 173. «Kinge» : «thinge». In my dissertation on the language and the sources of the Sowdan of Babylon, p. 4, bottom, I have shown [p102] that «i» or «y», which corresponds to O.E. «y», the «umlaut» of «u», rhymed with original «i» in this poem, which proves that the author wrote in the East Midland dialect. But among the examples collected there (p. 5), I ought not to have cited «kinge», because this word is not peculiar to the East Midland speech, but occurs with the same form in all dialects. See «Introduction», p. xxxv. p. 6, ll. 175–6 are imitated from the «Destruction», ll. 546–7. See «Introduction», p. xxiii. p. 6, l. 176. «ner», the common form for «nor» (267, 1633) in this poem. “«Polaynes» are knee-pieces in a suit of armour. This term for genouilleres is found in the household book of Edward I.” (Morris, «Glossary on Sir Gawayne», «s. v.» polaynes). p. 6, l. 181. «tyte», “soon, quick.” The editor of the Roxburghe Club edition of the «Sowdan» curiously confounds «tyte» with «tightly» = “adroitly,” occurring in Shakespeare, «Merry Wives», I. 3. «Tyte» is derived from O.Icel. «tîðr», “creber,” the neuter of which «tîtt», used adverbially means “crebro, celeriter.” See Stratmann, p. 561, «s. v.» «tîd». p. 6, l. 189. «Chek» = “cotton, linen or woollen cloths, woven or printed in checkers.” (Latham, «Dictionary», 1876.) p. 6, l. 191. A line seems to be wanting here. There is no rhyme to «displayed». p, 6, l. 201. «randon», “rapidity, force.” About the etymology see Diez, «Etym. Wörterbuch», I. 342, and Skeat, «Etym. Dict.» p. 7, l. 202. «than» seems to be an error for «thay». p. 7, l. 214. «Sarysyns.» There are several spellings of the name of this people in the poem: «Sarsyns», «Sarsenys», «Sarisyns», «Sarasyns». p. 7, l. 222. «that day» occurs again in l. 223. The author probably only wrote it once; the repetition is most likely due to the scribe. p. 7, l. 224. The following lines are imitated from the «Destruction», ll. 613–619; see «Introduction», p. xxiii. p. 7, l. 228. The French text («Destruction», l. 624) has: “Maintenant soient tot occis et descoupe. Ne voil que mi serjant en soient encombre.” p. 8, l. 247. The original meaning of «brayde» is “start, blow,” but this makes no sense here, nor can it mean “a boast,” as the editor of the Roxburghe Club edition explains it. But Mid. Eng. «brayde», as well as O.E. «brægd» or «bregd», often signifies “deceit, craft, a cunning trick, a fraudulous contrivance, a stratagem or artifice.” See Mätzner’s «Wörterb.» and Halliwell’s «Dict.» This, I think, is also the meaning of «brayde» in l. 247. Floripas has been engaged to Lukafer who had promised the Soudan, her father, to bring the emperor Charlemagne and all his twelve peers to the foot of his throne, in return for the hand of his daughter. Floripas, not at all enamoured of the king of Baldas, but obeying the will of her father, said she would only agree to [p103] accept him when he had fulfilled these conditions. But she does not believe that Laban thinks of ever fulfilling them, she is persuaded that those words, those promises made by Laban, are only a «brayde», i. e. a stratagem or artifice devised by him in the hope of winning her hand before the performance of his promise. This signification of «braide» has been retained in the Mod. Eng. adjective «braid», “crafty, deceitful.” p. 8, l. 257. The «Ethiopes», “Ethiopians,” are not mentioned in the other versions of this romance. On the rhyme «Aufricanes» : «stones» cf. «Introduction», p. xxxv. p. 9, l. 278. «Destruction», l. 908: “Sortibrans a mande Mabon l’engineor.” p. 9, l. 283. «depe» : «tyde». The rhyme becomes perfect if we read «wide» instead of «depe». p. 9, l. 286. French text gives, l. 934: “Si emplirons les fossés.” p. 9, l. 289. Cf. «Destruction», l. 627. “Mahon te benoie,” and l. 925, “Mahon te doint honour.” p. 9, l. 293. «Men myght go even to the walle», compare the «Destruction», l. 918: “K’om poet aler al mure.” and l. 958: “K’om pooit bien au mur et venir et aler.” p. 9, l. 295. «assaile», evidently a mistake. Read «assaute», as in l. 2205. p. 9, l. 298. «shour», “fight, attack.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 9206. «sharpe shoures», as in the «Destruction of Troy», l. 5804, “sharp was the shoure.” Cf. also l. 950 of this poem, “bataile was sharpe.” p. 9, l. 300. «stones thai bare», etc. «Destruction», l. 967: “Ces dedens ou grans pieres firent grant lapide.” p. 9, l. 303. French text gives (l. 975): “Maintes pieres del mur ont contreval rue.” p. 9, l. 306. In the «Destruction», l. 977: “L’asalt dureit cel jour jusque a la nutee.” p. 9, l. 307. French: “Payen se sont retrait.” «Destruction», l. 979. p. 10, l. 311. For «tyde» : «chidde» see «Introduction», p. xliii. p. 10, l. 312. “Lucafer li traitre traison ad pense, Qu’il se contrefera les armes del cite; Et tote si pense sont a Labam demonstre. ‘Sire admirail d’Espaigne,’ ceo dist li diffaies, ‘La cite est moult fors, et François sont doute; Ils defendront le mur, ja mais n’iert entre, Que par une voidie que jeo ai porpense. Il ad dedens un conte de mult grant crualte, Savaris ad a non, est de grant parente; Chescon jour il s’en ist, s’est oue nous melle, De la gent dieffae, mainte teste a coupe.”—«Destr.», ll. 986–96. [p104] p. 10, l. 317. «Destruction», l. 997. “J’ai bien conu ses armes et les ai avise.” p. 10, l. 331. «Destruction», l. 1011: “Tantost le mestre porte aurons moult bien ferme.” p. 10, l. 332. «Destruction», l. 1057: “Mais tot le premier bail ont Sarrasin poeple.” p. 10, l. 336. «discumfiture», “defeat.” See below, note to l. 1320. p. 10, l. 339. «ryme», “to speak loudly, to cry.” O.E. «hrêman» or «hrŷman». See Stratmann, p. 322. p. 10, l. 340. French text (l. 1063): “De V. M. ne remendrent que iiiC sans fausser.” See note to l. 67. p. 10, l. 341. «twelfe» : «selve»; «f» and «v» very often stand for one another, see «Introduction» on p. xliii. p. 10, l. 344. «shite» : «mette». See Ellis, «Pronunc.», I. 272, and «Introduction», on p. xliv. Cf. also ll. 2054, 2963, 2960. «by than» = then; see Mätzner’s «Wörterb.» p. 217(2). p. 11, l. 346. «Estragot» or «Astragot». This name is not to be found in the other versions, it only occurs in the «Sowdan» and in the «Destruction»; cf. «Destr.» l. 1090–4: “Estragot le poursuit uns geans diffaies . . . . . . . . . Teste avoit com senglers, si fu rois corones. El main tient .i. mace de fin ascier trempe, Un coup a Savaris desur le chef done.” p. 11, l. 360. French text reads: “Et la novele en ont l’apostoile conté.”—«Destr.» l. 1101. p. 11, l. 363. «consaile» : «slayne». See «Introduction», p. xliii. p. 11, l. 364. See above, l. 78. p. 11, l. 368. «erille» is not derived from the Erse, as the editor of the Roxburghe Club edition supposes. It is simply another spelling for «erle», which occurs in l. 1986. O.E. «eorl», Mod. Eng. «earl». p. 11, l. 369. There must be a gap of some lines here; between this and the following line a space has been left of about the width of one line; l. 370 is written in a much later hand. p. 11, l. 376. «lettres» translates the French “li brief” («Destr.» l. 1121), «in haste» = French “isnelement” («Destr.» l. 1119). p. 11, l. 377. «we ordeyne» makes no sense. Read «were ordeyned», as in l. 2396. Cf. the «Destruction», l. 1133: “Tot troi sont coiement de la cite hastés.” p. 12, l. 379. «at a posterne.» On the posterns compare Skeat, «Spec. of Eng. Literature», 359, 165. p. 12, l. 380. «aboute mydnyghte.» French: “Tote la nuit alerent ou la lune clarté.” «Destr.» l. 1136. [p105] p. 12, l. 394. «honde of honde», “hand to hand.”—In the Glossary of the Roxburghe Club ed. we read: “Cast. Wherewithal to throw.” This is the sense of «cast» in l. 2471; but it occurs with two other meanings. In l. 394 «cast» signifies “device, plot, intention,” as often elsewhere. In ll. 460, 2091, 2099, 2467, 2603, 2792, it means “the act of throwing, the throw.” p. 12, l. 400. «hevy», “afflicted, sorrowful.” So in ll. 3037, 3224. p. 13, l. 427. «Estagote», miswritten for «Estragote», cf. ll. 346, 352, and «Destr.» l. 1090. «brake on three», cf. ll. 2234, 1388, 1269. p. 13, l. 441. «Sarsyns» : «Romaynes». See «Introduction», p. xliv. p. 14, l. 464. «oost» does not rhyme with «beste». Both the sense and the rhyme will be improved if we read «rest» for «oost». p. 14, l. 473. As it stands, the line makes no sense. «This» is written indistinctly in the MS., so that we may read either «this» or «thus»; the sense requires the latter, which I think is the true reading. Or else we may keep «this» and write «idone» instead of «it done». p. 15, l. 488. «aras.» Read «a ras», and see note to l. 1349. p. 15, l. 491. «and armes» makes no sense, as we are hardly entitled to take «armes» for the 2nd person plural imperative; which in this poem always ends in «-eth». See «Introduction», p. xxxvii. I think we must change «and» into «as». For the explanation of the phrase “as armes,” see note on l. 2660. p. 15, l. 495. The «Ascopars» or «Ascopartes» are mentioned in the «Destruction» as the subjects of the Soudan. The name of this people is not to be found in any other version. «Astopars» is merely a clerical error for «Ascopars», which may be easily accounted for by remembering that in the MSS. the characters «c» and «t» are very often formed almost alike. The true spelling «Ascopars» is found in ll. 2196, 2648; cf. also the «Destruction», ll. 98, 426. Nothing is known of the origin and the home of the Ascoparts. That they must have been men of great bodily strength follows from l. 496, “for ye be men of mighte,” and l. 2645, “that bene boolde and hardy to fighte.” Compare also what is said about them by Donne, in his first satire: “Those Askaparts, men big enough to throw Charing-cross for a bar.” It is worthy while to note that a giant, called Askapard, occurs in the romance of Sir Bevis of Hamptoun. See Ellis, «Metr. Romances», ed. Halliwell, p. 263. p. 15, l. 500. «Ho» is evidently a mistake for «we». «rere-warde», “rear-guard;” the van is called «fowarde», ll. 502, 732, the main body «the medyl partye», l. 735. p. 15, l. 504. «than» : «gon». See «Introduction», p. xxxv. p. 15, l. 510. «oon» makes no sense. I suspect the reading of this and the following stanza is quite corrupt. If ll. 510 and 511 should belong to different stanzas, the «enjambement», or continuation of the [p106] sense from one stanza to another, would be unusually strong. I am therefore inclined to think that originally a stanza began at l. 510, and that there is a line wanting after l. 509, which contained the rhyme to «bon» (l. 508). The scribe noticing the absence of rhyme tried to restore it himself. Adding «oon» to l. 510, he made it rhyme with «bon» (l. 508). Having thus destroyed the rhyme of ll. 510 and 512 («Alisaundre» : «Cassaundre», as in l. 984), he added «gaye» to l. 512, which now rhymed to l. 514, where he still added «to fraye». In order to get a rhyme to l. 518, he changed in l. 516 the original «laye» (: «Romayne») into «lan» (“he ceased, stopped”), and wrote “«to»” «the grounde» instead of “«on»” (cf. l. 1186) or “«at»” (cf. ll. 533, 435) «the grounde», connecting thus these words with l. 515, whereas originally they belonged to «there he laye», or—as «there» also may have been added by the scribe—to «he laye». If now we read «with mayne» instead of «ful evene», in l. 521, we get a perfect rhyme to l. 519; l. 520 having lost its rhyming line, he made it rhyme, by adding «than» to l. 522, which originally rhymed to l. 524. Now to get a rhyme to l. 524 he composed and inserted himself l. 526. Therefore I think the original reading of these two stanzas ran as follows: Sir Ferumbras of Alisaundre 510 That bolde man was in dede, Uppon a steede Cassaundre He roode in riche weede. Sir Bryer of Poyle a Romayne 514 He bare through with a spere; Dede on the ground [there] he laye, Might he no more hem dere. That saw Huberte, a worthy man, 518 Howe Briere was islayne, Ferumbras to quite than To him he rode with mayne. With a spere uppone his shelde 522 Stiffly gan he strike; The shelde he brake imiddis the feelde, His hawberke wolde not breke. Ferumbras was agreved tho, &c. 526 On the rhyme «Romayne» : «laye» (l. 514) cf. ll. 536, 890. p. 15, l. 514. «Bryer of Poyle» does not occur in any of the other versions. p. 15, l. 516. «lan», preterite of «lin», “to cease;” more common in the compound «blin», contracted from * «be-lin». p. 15, l. 517. «might he no more hem dere.» On the order of words, cf. ll. 2954, 649, 2435. p. 16, l. 520. «qwite», “to requite, reward, retaliate, pay off.” See below note to l. 780. p. 16, l. 531. On «stronge» (O.E. strang) : «istonge» (O.E. gestungen), see «Introduction», p. xxxv. p. 16, l. 532. «astraye», “out of the right way or proper place, running [p107] about without guidance.” O.French «estraier», which is derived from Latin «ex strada», see Diez, «Etym. Wörterb.» I. 402; II. 296. p. 16, l. 541. «werre», “war,” seems to owe its origin to the French «guerre», as it is not found in O.E. It appears for the first time in the «Saxon Chronicle»,—«he coude», “he knew, had endured.” See Mätzner’s «Grammatik», II. 262. p. 17, l. 555. It is evident that «all ane» must be a corruption. Perhaps the conjecture of the editor of the Roxb. Club edition, supposing «all rafe» to be the true reading, may be right. But he is certainly wrong to identify this «rafe» with the «rafe» in l. 866, which, being the infinitive mood of a verb, cannot be taken for an adjective or adverb, which the sense seems to require in l. 555. Halliwell, «s. v.» Raff, gives: “in raff = speedily.” There is a Danish adjective, «rap», “brisk, quick.” Cf. Skeat, «Etym. Dict.» s. v. «raffle» and «rap». p. 17, l. 570. «certaine» spoils the rhyme. The rhyme becomes perfect if we read «without faile», as in l. 322. p. 17, l. 573. «aplight», “on plight, on my word.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 8541. It is often used as an expletive. p. 17, l. 580. «who the sowdan», etc. = who is the Sowdan. The verb of the sentence is wanting; cf. note to l. 2156. p. 17, l. 587. French text gives: “Et Guion de Bourgoyne ad a lui appelé Fils est de sa soror et de sa parenté Cosins, vous en irrés. . .” «Destr.» ll. 1179, «et seq.» p. 18, l. 613. «hight» = (1) “was called,” (2) “promised,” (3) “called” (partic. past). It is the preterite tense of «haten», «hoten», or «hat» (l. 3154). Cf. Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 169. p. 18, l. 614. «than» seems to be a corruption, and I think must be left out. «Florip» is the genitive of «Florip», which occurs as a nominative in ll. 2075, 1527. There is another nominative «Floripas» which forms the genitive «Floripas», ll. 1659, 2350. p. 19, l. 625. «Isres», the name of the “chief porter of the town,” who betrayed the city, only occurs in the «Sowdan»; in the «Destruction» the same treachery is committed by «Tabour», «D.» 1203. “Uns traitre del cit que del porte out les cles.” p. 19, l. 636. «bandon», literally “proclamation,” means “power, disposal.” See Skeat, «Etym. Dict.» s. v. «abandon». p. 19, l. 647. French: “Le chief al portier trenche,” «Destr.» l. 1236. p. 19, l. 648. In the «Destr.» l. 1244–5: “Dieux” fist il “te maldie, et que t’ont engendre, Kar traitour au darain averont mal dehe.” p. 19, l. 650. «met», a mistake for «mot», which we find in ll. 1582, 2334, 3170. [p108] p. 20, l. 663. Cf. the «Destr.» l. 1260: “Al moustier de saint Piere est Fierenbras alés.” p. 20, l. 665. «the crosse, the crown, the nailes bente.» The relics mentioned in the «Destruction» are the crown of thorns, the cross, the nails, and the “signe,” which, as I have shown in my «Dissertation» (pp. 45, 46), does not mean “inscription of the cross,” but is the Greek σινδων, and signifies “the shroud, or winding-sheet, of the Lord, suaire, sudatorium.” In the French «Fierabras», as well as in «Syr Ferumbras», no mention is made of the cross. p. 20, l. 673. «thare» instead of «there» would improve the rhyme. See «Introduction», p. xxxv. p. 20, l. 678. «fade», O.E. fadian, “dispose, suit.” «Stratmann», p. 187. p. 20, l. 679. «frankencense» = “pure incense.” Compare Skeat, «Etym. Dict.» p. 20, l. 686. «roial», “excellent.” Cf. “roial spicerye,” «Chaucer», ed. Morris, III. 135/142. p. 21, l. 699. «Alle on a flame that cite was»; cf. the French: “Kant il vindrent a Rome si virent luy porte oueree La flambe en la cite moult granment alumee. Pour grant chalour qu’i fu n’i povoient entrer.” («Destr.» ll. 1378–80.) p. 21, l. 723. The «Destruction», ll. 1384–1408, has: “Si dirrai de Charlon, le fort roi corone. De par totes ses terres avoit ses gens mande, N’i remest dus ne quiens ne baron el regne, Qu’il assemble ne soient a Paris la cite. Quant il i furent tous venu et ajouste, L’emperere de France en halt en ad parle: ‘Seignours, or escoutes, si vous dirrai verte, Li admirails d’Espaigne a no pais gaste Et oue lui CM sarrazin diffaie. Il ont ensegie Rome, m’admirable cite, Tot le pais entour ont il pour voir robbe; Si jeo ne les soccour tot l’auront il gaste.’ ‘Sire,’ firent li princes, ‘a vostre volonte: Nous ne vous failliromes tant que poons durer.’ Adonc en ad li rois grant joie demene. Quant si gent furent prest a complir son pense, Adonc s’en est li rois eralment aprestes Et si firent li contes de France le regne. Quant sont appareillie si sont enchemine: iii C mil chevaliers ad li rois el barne Oliviers porte sa baneer que ben leu ad guie, Rollans fu en arriere, li vassals adures. De soccoure Guion s’en est li rois hastes. Tant ont il nuit et jor chivalche et erre. Qu’il sont en Romenie, n’i ont reine tire.” p. 22, l. 744. «He knewe the baner of France.» The French text has: [p109] “Guis parceut le baniere le roi de saint Dine, Encontre lui chevalche, la novele ont conte, Come la forte cite li payen ont gaste: La corone et les clous d’iloec en sont robbe Et les altres reliques. . .” p. 23, l. 766. «for», “notwithstanding, in spite of.” So also in l. 2904. p. 23, l. 771. «Destr.», l. 1425: “Li vens en fiert es voiles que les a ben guies.” p. 23, l. 776. «for south», “forsooth,” cf. ll. 2014, 897, 2024, 1025, 2246. p. 23, l. 778. French: “il sont en terre entre.” p. 23, l. 779. «fonde» : «grounde». «fonde» is spelt «founde» in ll. 1857, 3020, 344, 2353, 2363. p. 23, l. 780. «stroyeth» = “destroyeth.” “Compounds of Romance origin, the first part of which is a preposition, or words derived from such, often mutilate, or even entirely drop the preposition” (Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 576). Thus we have «sail», l. 385, = “assail;” «longeth», l. 3254, = “belongeth;” «skomfited», l. 1320, = “diskomfited,” ll. 336, 1464; «quite», l. 520, = “requite;” «perceived», l. 2659, = “aperceived;” «saut», ll. 619, 2200, = “assaut,” l. 615; «ginne», l. 2326, = “enginne,” l. 333; «playne», l. 177, = “complayn;” «skaped», l. 2049, = “askaped,” l. 2218. p. 23, l. 787. French: “iiiC mile François.” p. 24, l. 812. «ychoon» : «Mahounde». See «Introduction», p. xlii. p. 24, l. 820. «stroke» : «stoupe». See «Introduction», p. xliii. p. 24, l. 820. «stenyed», “stunned,” not from O.Fr. «estaindre», as the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. suggests, but from O.E. «stunian», “percellere, stupefacere.” See «Stratmann», p. 540. p. 24, l. 835. Observe the subject expressed twice; cf. ll. 723, 1031, 1682, 1814, 2331. p. 25, l. 836. «Neymes.» This celebrated hero has been especially famous by the advices and counsels of which even in matters of greatest difficulty he was never at a loss. “Tel conseiller n’orent onques li Franc,” «i. e.» the French had never such a counsellor. This passage of the romance of «Aspremont» may be looked upon as containing the portrait of Neymes as we find him described in all poems. The story of his birth and youth is in the romance of «Aubri le Bourgoing». He was the son of Gasselin, king of Bavaria. Cassile, an usurper, is about to seize the throne and to kill the young Neymes, when Charlemagne comes to his help and re-establishes the legitimate inheritor. p. 25, l. 836. «Ogier Danoys» (cf. l. 1687) is one of the twelve peers in this poem. His life is contained in the French poem of the “«Chevallerie Ogier»” by Raimbert de Paris. According to that romance Ogier had been delivered in his youth to Charlemagne as [p110] a pledge to secure the discharge of the tribute which his father Geffroi, king of Denmark, was bound to pay to the emperor. The French ambassadors having once been insulted by Geffroy, Charlemagne swears to make Ogier pay with his life the offence done by his father, and Ogier is going to be executed when the emperor, following the urgent requests of messengers arrived from Rome, suddenly starts to deliver this city from the Saracens. On this expedition the French army is hard pressed by the enemy, but Ogier by his eminent prowess and valour enables Charles to enter Rome. He now is pardoned and becomes the favourite of the emperor. Several years afterwards Ogier’s son Baudouinet is slain by Charlot, the son of Charlemagne, as they were quarrelling about a party of chess. Ogier, in order to revenge his son, goes as far as to attack Charlemagne himself, but on the point of being taken a prisoner, he escapes and flees to Didier, king of Lombardy. Charles makes war on Didier, and after a long struggle Ogier is taken and imprisoned at Reims, where he is going to be starved, when a sudden invasion of the Saracens obliges Charlemagne again to have recourse to the courage and valour of the Dane. Ogier delivers France by slaying the giant Bréhus. To reward him for the service done to his country, Charles gives him the county of Hainaut, where afterwards, as the poem tells us, he died in the renown of holiness. p. 25, l. 845. «it» = “hit.” Cf. note to l. 41. p. 25, l. 847–50. These four lines seem to be incorrect. As they stand, the three first lines are rhymed together, and there is no rhyme to the fourth. The diction of the whole passage, which cannot be said to be ungrammatical, is nevertheless wanting in precision and exactness. p. 25, l. 866. «rafe» = rave. p. 25, l. 868. «Moun-joye» is the name of Charlemagne’s sword in this poem (cf. ll. 3111, 850), whereas, according to all other romances, the emperor’s sword was called «Joyeuse». «Mounjoie» or «Montjoie» was the name of the French standard; it was likewise used as the battle-cry of the French, cf. «Fierabras», l. 1703, and «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 2285, 2652, 4577, 4727. The sword «Joyeuse» had been forged by the celebrated Weland or Galand, as we read in the French «Fierabras», l. 635: “Et «Galans» fist Floberge à l’acier atrempé, Hauteclere et «Joiouse», où moult ot dignité; Cele tint Karlemaines longuement en certé.” Compare Gaston Paris, «Histoire Poétique», p. 374. p. 26, l. 875. «Durnedale.» This renowned sword was forged by the famous Galand or Weland. The French «Fierabras» (l. 645) is the only romance which attributes it to Munifican. It had been given by Charlemagne to Roland as the best of his warriors. As to the exploits achieved with it, Roland enumerates them himself in that celebrated passage, where in his death-hour he tries to break [p111] Durnedale to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Saracens («Chanson de Roland», ll. 2316–2337). The steel blade of this sword has been highly praised for its extraordinary hardness. It had been tried by Charlemagne himself on that “perron,” or steel block before the emperor’s palace in Aix-la-Chapelle (see «Histoire Poétique», p. 370). Durnedale proved good as well as Almace, the sword of Turpin. But Courtain, Ogier’s sword, was then shortened by half a foot. According to l. 1407 of the «Sowdan», Durnedale broke; but this incident has been mentioned nowhere else. Cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 997, and «Fierabras», l. 1740. p. 26, l. 876. «romme», spelt also «rome», «rowme», «roum», is Mod. E. «room», O.E. «rûm», “spatium.” p. 26, l. 880. «dinge»; read «gan dinge». «Dinge» is the infinitive mood, but the sense requires a preterite tense. The preterite of «dinge» is «dong», «dongen», which occurs in l. 1263. But as «dinge» cannot be altered here, on account of the rhyme, the passage is easily corrected by adding «gan» = “he began to strike, he struck.” p. 26, l. 884. «Alloreynes of Loreynes» and «Aleroyse» (l. 1699) are probably identical. Then «Allorey»n«es» would be an error of the scribe, who having already the following «Lorey»n«es» in his mind wrote «Allorey»n«es» instead of «Alleroyse». p. 26, l. 900. «in fay» = “truly,” «fay»= “faith, truth.” O.Fr. «fei» or «feid», Lat. «fides». p. 26, l. 904–5. Cf. «Chanson de Roland», ll. 1903–4: “Rollanz est proz e Oliviers est sages, Ambedui unt merveillus vasselage.” p. 27, l. 913. I cannot tell what «treyumple» means, or whether it be a corruption. p. 27, l. 939. This kind of prayer or apostrophe addressed to the God of War is certainly taken from another English work, which I am unable to trace, but which must have been much known at the time of our author, as we find it referred to in different authors. That it has been taken from another poem is proved by some phrases of this prayer which are somewhat obscure or rather unintelligible here, and which we certainly should be able to explain if we knew the original context in which they occurred. Then the form «hase» (l. 940) is somewhat suspicious, as it is the only instance of the 2nd person singular present dropping the «t», which it has always in this poem. The arrangement, too, of the following stanzas differs from that generally observed in the «Sowdan». If we consider our poem as composed in eight-line stanzas (but see «Introduction», p. xl) we mostly find the 1st and 3rd lines rhyming together, then the 2nd and 4th, the 5th and 7th, and finally the 6th and 8th, so that «four» different rhyme-endings are necessary to one stanza. If now we consider the stanza from l. 939 to 946, we only have two rhyme-endings, all the pair lines rhyming together, and all the odd ones [p112] together. In ll. 947 to 950 the 1st and 4th rhyme together, whilst the 2nd and 3rd are paired off together.—ll. 939–941 we find alluded to in «Chaucer», see «Introduction», p. xlvi, and the «Prioress’s Tale», ed. Skeat (Clarendon Press), p. xvii. Compare also Lindsay, «The Historie of Squyer Meldrum», l. 390: “Like Mars, the God Armipotent.” p. 27, l. 939. «rede Mars.» “Bocaccio uses the same epithet in the opening of his Teseide: ‘O rubiconde Marte.’ «Rede» refers to the colour of the planet.” Morris, note to «Knight’s Tale», l. 889. p. 27, l. 940. «Baye» never means “sword,” as the editor of the Roxburghe Club ed. renders it, nor does this translation make any sense here at all; «baye» signifies “a wide, open room or space in a building.” See Mätzner’s «Wörterbuch», p. 164. Morris, in the Glossary to the «Alliterative Poems», has “bay = recess. The original meaning seems to be «opening of any kind». Cf. bay, space in a building between two main beams.” Halliwell, «s. v.» bay, has: “A principal compartment or division in the architectural arrangement of a building.” It appears to be etymologically the same word as Ital. «baja», French «baie», “bay, gulf, harbour,” the French «baie» being equally used for “opening of any kind.” The Catalan form for «baie» is «badia», which corresponds to the verb «badar», meaning “to open.” See Diez, «Etym. Wörterb.» I. 46. «Bay» is retained in the Mod. E. compound “«bay-window».” Cf. also the French “«la bée d’une fenestre»,” cited by Carpentier-Ducange, «s. v.» beare. With regard to the signification of «trende», the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. wrongly guessed again in explaining it as “drawn” or “trenchant, cutting.” «Trende» means “turned, bent, vaulted in the form of an arch.” See «Halliwell», p. 887, and «Stratmann», p. 572, «s. v.» trenden (= “volvere”). But I am at a loss how to explain why Mars is said to have put up his throne in an arched recess, or compartment, of a building. p. 28, l. 957. «some», a clerical error for «sone». p. 28, l. 965. «prymsauns of grene vere» = “the earliest days of green spring” (Glossary to the Roxb. Club ed.). This may be the sense; but what is the literal meaning of «prymsauns»? If we had «prymtauns», or «prymtaunce», we might be inclined to take it for a corruption of French «printemps», as we find «pastaunce» or «pastance» corrupted from «passe-temps». (See Skeat, «Spec. of Eng. Literature», 460/149 and 427/1096.) Cf. also the «Romaunt of the Rose», ll. 3373–74: “«At prime temps», Love to manace, Ful ofte I have been in this caas.” Or is «prymtauns» perhaps a clerical error for «entrauns» or «entraunce»? This would then make us think of such passages as the following one: “Che fu ou mois de mai, à l’«entree» d’esté, Que florissent cil bos et verdissent cil pré.” «Fierabras», ll. 5094–5. p. 28, l. 966. «spryngyn», the only instance of the 3rd person present plural ending in «-yn» (for the common «-en»). This perhaps is due to [p113] the scribe thinking already of the following «yn» in beg«ynne». But it must be stated that the whole passage is rather obscure. Neither the meaning of «springyn and begynne» nor the connection of l. 966 with the following lines is very clear. «Floures» occurring twice looks also somewhat suspicious. Moreover, these two stanzas do not well suit the context and might easily be done without; they are evidently borrowed from some other poem. Observe besides the alliteration in «f»loures, «f»rithe, «f»reshly. p. 28, l. 973. «lithe», “to hear.” O.Icel. «hlŷða», “auscultare.” «Stratmann», s. v. «hlîþen», p. 315. p. 29, l. 993. «lese» miswritten for «lefe», which sense and rhyme require, and which occurs in ll. 832, 1526. p. 29, l. 995. «bassatours» (?) = “vavassours, vavasors.” p. 29, l. 999. «Inde Major.» The meaning of «Major» is not clear. Cf. besides «Chanson de Roland», ed. Gautier, «Glossarial Index», s. v. «Major». Compare also «Destr.» l. 690: «terre Majour». p. 29, l. 1000. The great number of geographical names contained in these two lines is probably due to the favourite habit of mediæval romance writers, who thought that they showed their geographical knowledge by introducing long strings of names. Thus we find in «Web. Rom.» II. l. 632 «et seq.», the names of sixteen towns mentioned in fourteen lines, all of which are said to have been visited by Richard the Lion-hearted. Again in the same poem, ll. 3679, «et seq.», we find the names of thirteen countries occurring in ten lines. Cf. also «King Alis.», «Web. Rom.» I. ll. 1440 and 1692. Often, too, geographical names seem to be inserted on account of the rhyme, as «Chaunder» in l. 123, and «Europe» in l. 1001. p. 29, l. 1008. «Camalyon», “meaning, probably, the camelopardalis. The blood of a cameleon would go a very little way towards satisfying a thirsty Saracen” (Ellis, «Metr. R.» 387). Perhaps also the poet did not know much of either of these two kinds of animals, and all he wished was to cite an animal with some outlandish name. p. 30, l. 1025. «southe» : «wrothe». The spelling «sothe» occurs in ll. 2014, 2024, 2246, 2719. There must be a lacuna of one or more lines here. The rhyme-word to «dute» (l. 1024) is wanting; the context also evidently shows that ll. 1025 and 1026, as they stand together, make no sense. It is worth while to add that the next five lines, contrary to the common usage of our poem, are all rhymed together. p. 30, l. 1040. Observe «Paens», i. e. “pagans,” used as a proper name here; cf. the «Destr.» l. 98, and «Fierabras», l. 5673. p. 31, l. 1051. For a description of Ferumbras, compare «Fierabras», ll. 578 «et seq.», and ll. 611 «et seq.», and «Syr Ferumbras», l. 550. p. 31, l. 1060. «trwes» = trues, truce. p. 31, l. 1067. «sex.» So in the French «Fierabras», l. 84: “Ja n’en refuserai, par Mahom, jusqu’à vi.” [p114] In the English «Ferumbras», l. 102, we read: “And þoȝ þer come «twelue», þe beste of þy fered, I will kuþe on hem my miȝt, & dyngen hem al to douste.” p. 31, l. 1071. «in fere» = “together.” «fere», literally “one who fares with one,” means “a travelling companion, a comrade, a mate; a company.” O.E. «(ge-)fera». p. 31, l. 1074. «man» = “bondman, subject, vassal.” So in ll. 1354 1466. p. 31, l. 1077. «childe», “young knight, young man.” See Skeat’s note to Sir Thopas (Clarendon Press), 162/2020. p. 31, l. 1084. Cf. the French text: “Sire, ce dist Rollans, chertes, tort en aves, Car, par icel seigneur Ki Dix est appelés, Je vauroie moult miex que fuissiés desmenbrés Ke jou en baillasse armes ne ne fuisse adobés. Hier quant paien nous vindrent à l’issue des gués L. mile furent, à vers helmes jesmés, Grans caus en soustenimes sur les escus bandés; Oliviers mes compaigns i fu le jour navrés. Tout fuissons desconfit, c’est fines verités, Quant vous nous secourustes e vos riches barnés, Et paien s’en tournerent les frains abandonnés. Quant fumes repairié as loges et as trés, Puis te vantas le soir, quant tu fus enivrés, Que li viel chevalier c’avoies amené L’avoient moult miex fait que li joule d’assés, Assés en fui le soir laidement ramponés.” (ll. 144–161.) Compare also «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 144–163 p. 32, l. 1088. «of» = “on account of.” p. 32, l. 1092. According to most of the old romances Roland was invulnerable. He never lost any blood by a wound but on the occasion when he was beaten by Charlemagne “For trois goutes sans plus, quant Charles par irour Le feri de son gant que le virent plousour.” See «Histoire Poétique», p. 264. The French text (ll. 166–170) runs as follows: “Karles trait son gant destre, qui fu à or parés Fiert le comte Rollant en travers sur le nés; Après le caup en est li sans vermaus volés. Rollans jete le main au branc qui est letrés; Ja en ferist son oncle se il n’en fust ostés.” p. 32, l. 1094. «abye», “to pay for, suffer for.” In Mod. Eng. «abye» is corrupted into «abide». See Morris, Gloss. to «Chaucer» (Clarend. Press), «s. v.» aboughte. p. 32, l. 1096. Double negatives like «never none» are pretty common in mediæval writers. Cf. in the «Sowdan», ll. 1876, 2181, 2199, 2279, 2305. [p115] p. 32, l. 1103. «at one», “of one mind, agreement.” Cf. «King Horn», ed. Lumby, l. 925: “At on he was wiþ þe king.” Hence Mod. Eng. «atone», “to set at one, to reconcile.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 5308. p. 32, l. 1106. «to make voydaunce», the same as to «voide», l. 1768 = “to quit, to depart from, to get rid of.” p. 32, l. 1110. «withoute more» = “without delay, immediately.” «more» is O.E. «mâra», comparative to «micel»; it is not the Latin «more». See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 719. p. 33, l. 1126. «renewed», “tied.” Fr. «renouer», from «nœud» = Lat. «nodius». It is to be distinguished from «renewed» = “renovated,” which occurs in l. 2200. p. 32, l. 1128. «hidur» is spelt «hider» in ll. 810, 833, etc. p. 32, l. 1135. «Generyse.» In the other versions Olyver calls himself «Garin». See «Introduction» on p. xxxiii. p. 32, l. 1141. «lerne», “to teach.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 6352. «scole», O.E. «scôl», Mod. Eng. «school», means here “style, or manner of fighting.” It must not be confounded with «schole», O.E. «scolu», “troop, band,” Mod. Eng. «shoal». Cf. also «The Song of Roland», 129/786. p. 33, l. 1145. «myghty men of honde.» So in l. 3029. The same phrase occurs in M.H.G. “ein helt «ze sînen handen»,” which is explained as meaning, “a hero [or one who becomes a hero] by the strength of his hands or arms.” See Jänicke’s note to «Biterolf», 5078, and Grimm’s «Grammatik», IV. 727 note. The expression seems to be originally French; cf. Méon, «Fabliaux», III. 478: “chevaliers «de sa main»”; «Renard», ed. Martin, l. 21409: “proedom «de sa main».” Cf. also «Roman des Eles», ed. Scheler, l. 433, where «main» is wrongly explained by the editor. p. 33, l. 1151. «plete», “plead.” The rhyme leads us to suppose that the author pronounced «ple»d«e», which indeed is the more common form. p. 33, l. 1154. «and» makes no sense here. «thenkes» must also be incorrect, the 3rd person present singular always terminating in «-eth» in this poem, and not in «-es». Read «as thenketh me»; «thenketh me» occurs in l. 465. p. 34, l. 1158. «pight», “pitched, fixed.” The infinitive mood is «picchen»; cf. O.Dutch «picken», O.Icel. «pikka», “pungere, pangere.” p. 34, l. 1159. In the French «Fierabras», l. 606 «et seq.», Oliver also assists the Saracen to put on his gear. This point is not mentioned in the Ashmolean version, see «Introduction», p. xxviii. p. 34, l. 1163. «worthed up», “became up, got up, mounted.” It is the past tense of the verb «worthen», O.E. «weorðan», “to become.” Another past tense of this verb is «worth», l. 1204. p. 34, l. 1164. «areest», or «arest» = “a rest, or support for the spear when [p116] couched for the attack” (Morris). Originally = “stoppage, waiting, readiness.” Cf. Mätzner’s «Wörterbuch», p. 107. p. 34, l. 1167. «as fire of thonder», cf. «dinte of thondir» in l. 1207. p. 34, l. 1168. «to-braste», “burst in pieces.” The prefix «to-», answering to Germ. «zer-», has the force of “in twain, asunder.” p. 34, l. 1170. «threste», O.E. «þr[^æ]stan», “premere, trudere.” The author probably pronounced «thraste», which will improve the rhyme. p. 34, ll. 1179–80. «upon the hede» (blank in MS) «the hede». This is evidently a mistake of the scribe; «sore», l. 1180, too, which does not rhyme with «crowne», is probably miswritten for «sone». The rhyme as well as the context shows that the true reading is: “Olyver him hitte again Upon the hede than fulle sone He carfe awaye with myght and mayne The cercle that sate uppon his crowne.” p. 34, l. 1182. About the «cercle», see Demay, «Le Costume de guerre», p. 132. “Non seulement le cône du heaume (helme) est bordé par ce cercle, mais il est parfois renforcé dans toute sa hauteur par deux arêtes placées l’une devant, l’autre derrière, ou par quatre bandes de métal ornementées (de verroteries), venant aboutir et se croiser à son sommet.”—«crowne» means the “tonsure of the head,” then topically “the skull or head.” p. 34, l. 1185. «the botteles of bawme» are not mentioned anywhere else in the «Sowdan»; the other versions tell us that the balm contained in those vessels was the same as that with which Christ was anointed. Cf. «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 510–517; and see «Introduction», p. vi and xxix. p. 34, l. 1191. «the river.» According to the oldest version of the poem the whole combat took place on the shore of the Tiber, near Rome. See «Introduction», pp. xi and xxxii. Cf. «Fierabras», l. 1049: “Pres fu du far de Rome, ses a dedes jetés,” and «Philippe Mousket», I. 4705–6: “Les .ii. barius qu’à Rome prist, Si les gieta enmi le Toivre.” In the «Sowdan» as well as in the «Ashmole» MS. there is no mention of Oliver’s drinking of the balm before throwing it into the water, which both the Provençal and the French versions tell us he did. Cf. «Fierabras», ll. 1031–1048, and the Provençal version, ll. 1335, «et seq.» p. 35, l. 1210. «fille», “fel.” p. 35, ll. 1221. «dere» spoils the rhyme. Read “«free».” p. 36, l. 1250. «Cousyn to King Charles», cf. l. 1117. In ll. 1499 and 1671 Oliver is said to be nephew to Charlemagne. He was the son of Renier de Gennes, who according to «Sir Ferumbras», l. 652: “Y am Charlis emys sone”—was the uncle of Charlemagne. In the poem «Girar de Viane» we find Oliver among the enemies of the [p117] Emperor and fighting with Roland in close combat; they are at length stopped by divine interposition. Then began a close friendship which lasted till their death at Roncesvaux. Oliver’s sister Aude was betrothed to Roland. See, besides, «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 422, 1297, 1305, 1354. p. 36, l. 1258. «harde grace», “misfortune,” cf. l. 2790. p. 36, l. 1259. «Persagyn.» This name does not occur in any other version again, except in the «Destruction», where one Persagon appears in the list of the Saracen barons. But it is not stated there that he is uncle to Ferumbras; cf. besides «Fierabras», ll. 2614, 2784. p. 37, l. 1263. Observe the four consecutive feminine rhymes. p. 37, l. 1277. The scene as related here widely differs from that described in the Ashmolean version. In the «Sowdone», Oliver gets hold of the sword which is “trussed on Ferumbras’s stede.” In the Ashmolean poem it is not Oliver who is disarmed, but Ferumbras, and Oliver allows him to pick up his weapon again. This in itself furnishes us an argument for conjecturing that the author of the «Sowdon» did not follow, or even know of, the Ashmolean version. In the French poem, as well as in the Provençal, it is likewise Oliver who is disarmed. If in those poems we find mentioned besides that Ferumbras offered his enemy to take up his sword again—an incident not related in the «Sowdan»—we do not consider this to disprove our supposition that the French version was the source of the «Sowdan», as we may consider our author in this case simply to have adhered to his favourite practice of shortening his original as much as possible, so far as no essential point is concerned. Cf. the French «Fierabras», ll. 1289–1346. p. 37, l. 1286. «saught» is a misprint for «raught». p. 37, l. 1289. «He thought he quyte.» «quyte» may be explained as standing for «quyted», or else «he» must be changed into «to»: «He thought to quyte», the latter reading is perhaps preferable. We find in l. 3110 a passage agreeing almost exactly with this. p. 38, l. 1298. «Qwyntyn.» The name of this Saint does not occur in any other version of our romance. p. 38, l. 1308. There is no mention made of this prayer in the Ashmolean version, the «Sowdan» here (ll. 1308–1340) agrees again with the French «Fierabras», ll. 1164–1244 (and with the Provençal poem, l. 1493, «et seq.»), with the only difference, that the prayer which Charlemagne addressed to God, in order to bestow the victory upon the Christian hero, is much longer in «F»; and is stuffed with so many details of the Scripture, that in some way it may be regarded as a succinct account of the whole life of the Lord. p. 38, l. 1320. «skomfited» = «discomfited», l. 1464. It is formed by the same analogy as stroyeth = destroyeth. See note to l. 780. The substantive «discumfiture», O.Fr. «desconfiture», occurs in l. 336; the same [p118] word, without prefix, is found in M.H.G., cf. «Kudrun», ed. Martin, 646, 2: “dô si hêten gerne die porten zuo getân dô muosten si daz lernen durch «schumphentiuren» verlân.” The Italian noun is «sconfitta», and the verb «sconfiggere». p. 38, l. 1327. «God aboue» does not rhyme with «lord almighty». The rhyme is easily restored if we read «of might» (cf. l. 2059) for «aboue», and if we change «almighty» into «almighte», so that we have: l. 1327. “Tho Charles thanked God of myghte.” l. 1329. “And saide, ‘blessed be thou, lord almyghte.’” The adjective «almiȝt» is of frequent occurrence in Mid. Eng. writers. So in «Allit. Poems», I. 497: “in sothful gospel of god almyȝt;” «Syr Ferumbras», l. 3580, “God almyȝte: siȝte;” «ibid.» l. 3815, “god almyȝt: wyȝt.” p. 39, l. 1349. «cas» is an erratum for «ras».—“Ras, shave.” “Rees 1693, evening.” These explanations given by the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. are wrong. «Ras» and «rees» being both derived from O.E. «r[^æ]s», “impetus cursus,” are indiscriminately used in three meanings: (1) “onset, assault;” (2) “course, run, rush, haste, hurry;” (3) “space, time, occasion.” The last signification is well shewn by the following passages: “Hit lasteþ but a lutel rees.” («Cl. Maydenhod», l. 26.) “Þat ys to seye upon a rees, Stynkyng Saxone, be on pees.” («Arthur», ed. Furnivall, l. 525.) In the «Sowdan» «ras» or «rees» means (1) “time, instant, occasion,” ll. 1349, 1693; (2) “rush, hurry, haste,” ll. 645, 489. «rase», l. 774 = “current in the sea,” the same word as the preceding «ras» and «rees», meaning properly, “a narrow rush, or violent current of water.” See Morris, «Chaucer’s Prologue» (Clarendon Press), s. v. «reyse». Cf. the French expressions, “raz de mer,” “raz de courent,” “raz de marée.” p. 39, l. 1361. «sene» : «be». Read «se» as in ll. 1124, 658, 1826. p. 40, l. 1372. «ryden», which does not rhyme with «foghten», is evidently a clerical error. I suppose «soghten» to be the true reading. For examples of «soght» = “came, went, moved,” see Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 7151, and Skeat’s Glossary to «Specimens», s. v. «socht».—There is still another corruption in this passage, as «assembled» does not rhyme with «ordeyned». p. 40, l. 1380. Note the transition from the indirect to the direct speech. p. 40, l. 1381. As it stands, the line is too long and spoils the rhythm. The words “if ye cast me downe” can be dispensed with. p. 40, l. 1383. «thare» : «were» (O.E. werian). The rhyme is easily restored by reading «there» instead of «thare», cf. ll. 2604, 2404, 2245, etc. and see «Introduction», p. xxxv. [p119] p. 41, ll. 1419–22. Observe the weak rhymes alternating with the strong ones. p. 41, l. 1420. «brother» means “brother-in-law.” Oliver’s sister Aude was Roland’s intended bride. Perhaps also «brother» may be taken here in sense of “brother in arms,” as in most romances we find Roland and Oliver mentioned as a couple of true friends united by the most tender ties of comradeship. Besides, Oliver was highly indebted to Roland, who had rescued him when he had been made a prisoner after his duel with Ferragus. p. 41, l. 1423. «cowthe» miswritten for «caughte», which we read in ll. 1411, 1603. p. 41, l. 1424. «Ascopartes» is the correct form. See note on l. 495. p. 51, l. 1427. «foolde» cannot be “earth” here, for which the editor of the Roxburghe Club ed. takes it. «Foolde» is the participle past of «fealden», “to fold, plicare.” It means, “folded, bent down, fallen.” This seems also to be the sense of «folde» in the following passages: «Laȝamon», 23983–4: “Þa feol Frolle folde to grunde.” «Ibid.» ll. 27054–6: “Romanisce veollen fiftene hundred folden to grunden.” «Ibid.» ll. 20057–60: “he þohte to quellen Þe king on his þeode & his folc valden volden to grunde.” Cf. «Stratmann», p. 194. p. 41, l. 1433. Roland and Olyver are taken prisoners. This incident is differently related in the other poems. There Roland is not taken at all, but sent afterwards among the messengers to the Soudan’s court. Together with Oliver four knights are taken, viz. Gwylmer, Berard, Geoffrey and Aubry, who all are carried away by the flying Saracens in spite of the efforts of Roland and Ogier. p. 42, l. 1451. «what» = “who.” See Koch, «Eng. Gr.» II. § 339, and Skeat’s note to «Piers the Plowman» (Clarendon Press), 113/19. So in ll. 1133, 1623. p. 42, l. 1456. «astyte» has nothing to do with the Latin «astutus» with which the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. apparently confounds it in explaining it as “cunningly devised.” «Astyte» means “at once, immediately, suddenly”; see Morris, Glossary to «Allit. Poems». It is a compound of the simple word «tyte», “soon, quickly,” which see above, l. 181. p. 43, l. 1475. «Turpyn.» The name of the archbishop is not mentioned in the Ashmolean version. The French text, ll. 1836–40, runs as follows: [p120] “Karles, nostre empereres, en est en piés levés, Il apela Milon et Turpin l’alosés, Deus rices arcevesques de moult grant sainteté: Faites moi tost uns fons beneir et sacrer; Je woel que cis rois soit bauptiziés et levés.” Cf. also the Provençal poem, l. 1899, «et seq.» p. 43, l. 1483. «nought for thane» = “nevertheless,” cf. Koch, «Eng. Gr.» II. p. 473. p. 43, l. 1486. «Rome» is a corruption of «Roye», as follows from the French «Fierabras», l. 1851: “C’est sains Florans de Roie, ce dist l’auctorités.” Cf. the Ashmole «Ferumbras», l. 1087, and Grœber, «Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie», IV. p. 167. p. 43, l. 1495. «affrayned», which must not be confounded with «affrayed», as the editor of the Roxburghe Club ed. does, means “asked, inquired.” It is the compound of «freynen» or «fraynen», O.E. «frignan», “to ask.” Goth. «fraihnan». Germ. «fragen». p. 43, l. 1497. «allayned», “concealed.” The simple verb «layne» (from Icel. «leyna», cf. Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 2994) is still retained in the Scottish dialect, with the sense of “to hide.” Cf. also Morris, «Allit. Poems», Gloss. s. v. «layned». p. 43, l. 1498. In the other poems the prisoners do not tell their true names; see «Introduction», pp. xxvii and xxix; and cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 1167. p. 43, l. 1499. Roland is nephew to Charlemagne on his mother’s side. See note to l. 1888, and cf. the Ashmole «Ferumbras», l. 2066. For Oliver, see above, note to l. 1250. p. 44, l. 1515. In the «Sowdan» Floripas herself advises Laban not to slay his captives, but to imprison them. In the other versions it is one of the barons who gives the same advice. See «Introduction», p. xxviii. p. 44, l. 1539. «depe» : «myrke». The rhyme will be restored by reading «dirke» or «derke» instead of «depe». «derke» occurs in l. 2541. p. 45, l. 1604. «maute.» “In Old French «mauté» is malice.” Gloss. to Roxburghe Club ed. I do not know whether «mauté» exists in O.Fr., but even if it did, it would make no sense here. I feel sure «maute» is a corruption of «mynte» or «mente» (cf. l. 1784), the preterite of «minten» or «menten» = “to aim a blow, to strike,” from O.E. «myntan», “to intend, to purpose.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 6579, and Morris, «Allit. Poems», s. v. «mynte». Cf. also «Syr Ferumbras», l. 5587: “Þan Charlis a strok till hym gan mynte; Ac hym faylede of ys dynte, for þat swerd hym glente. . .” p. 47, l. 1615. «trew» instead of «free» will restore the rhyme. The same rhyme «trewe» : «newe» occurs in ll. 67, 588. p. 47, l. 1619. «fele sithe», “many a time, often.” So in ll. 2740, 2815. Cf. «ofte sithe», l. 916. [p121] p. 47, l. 1624. «ruly», O.E. hrêowlîc = “rueful, sorrowful, mournful, piteous.” p. 47, l. 1645. «harme skathe» makes no sense. Read «harme & skathe», which occurs in «Gen. and Exod.» l. 2314: “ðis sonde hem overtakeð raðe And bicalleð of harme and scaðe.” p. 48, l. 1665. In the French «Fierabras» (as well as in the Ashmolean version) it is Roland whom Charlemagne addresses first (see above, note to l. 1433); he tells him that he must go on a mission to demand the surrender of Oliver and his companions. Upon which Naymes and the other twelve peers remonstrate, but are all sent to Laban one after the other, just as in the «Sowdan». In the Provençal poem it is only Guy who protests. Cf. ll. 2263–2282 of the French «Fierabras»: “Rollant regarda tost, si l’a araisonné: Biaus nés, ce dist li rois, trop sui por vous irés; Vous movrés le matin, à Aigremore irés; Si dirés l’amirant, gardés ne li celés, Rende moi la courone dont Dix fu couronés Et les autres reliques dont je sui moult penés; Et en après demant mes chevalier menbrés; Et se il ne le fait si que deviserés, Dites jel ferai pendre par la goule à un trefs, En destre le menrai com .i. larron prové, Ne troverai putel où il ne soit passé.” etc. p. 48, l. 1668. Cf. «Fierabras», ll. 2309–2321, and «Syr Ferumbras», l. 1486–1493. p. 49, l. 1683. «lese», “lose.” So in l. 2655 and 1696, where it rhymes with «chese», which occurs again in ll. 2748, 2934. p. 49, l. 1687. French text gives (ll. 2297, «et seq.»): “Ogiers li boins Danois s’en est levés en piés: Sire drois emperere, pour amour Dieu, oiés: Bien sai se il i vont ja n’en revenra piés. Avoec irés, dist Karles, par les ex de mon cief: Or i serés vous .v. qui porterés mes briés.” p. 49, l. 1691. «Bery» must be miswritten for «Terry», as we find Terris d’Ardane in the French «Fierabras», l. 2290, and Terry of Ardane in «Syr Ferumbras», l. 1469. According to l. 3187 of «Sir Ferumbras», Thierry is the father of Berard (Bryer) of Mountdidier. Cf. the French text, ll. 2290–96 and «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 1468–1473. p. 49, l. 1693. «rees», “time, occasion.” See note to l. 1349. p. 49, l. 1695. Folk Baliant is not mentioned in any other poem of our romance. See «Introduction», p. xxvii. p. 49, l. 1698. «chese», O.E. «cêosan», Mod. E. «choose». It here means “to be free to choose”:—“You shall not be free to choose,” “you shall have no choice,” “you shall do what you are ordered.” See Mätzner’s remark [in his «Wörterb.», p. 562, s. v. «cheosen»] to Halliwell, «Dict.» p. 250. [p122] p. 49, l. 1699. «Aleroyse.» See note to l. 884. p. 49, l. 1711. «Turpyn.» There was a real bishop of this name, who, according to the «Gallia Christiana», held the see of Reims from A.D. 753 to 794. As we find him described in the romances, Turpin was the very type of a knight-bishop. In the poem of «Aspremont», he bears before the Christian army the wood of the true cross which in his hands beams with brightness like the sun. In the romance of the «Enfances Ogier» it was he, into whose custody Ogier was given, when he had been made a prisoner after his revolt, in company with the king of Lombardy, against Charlemagne (see above, note to l. 856), and who, notwithstanding the order of Charles to have Ogier starved to death, kept the Dane alive, who afterwards, when the Saracens invaded France, proved a great help to the Christian arms. As we read in the «Chanson de Roland», ll. 2242ss, Turpin met his death at Roncesvaux, but according to the «Chronicle of Turpin», he survived the disaster of Roncesvaux, and was saying mass for the dead, when he saw the angels carrying the soul of Roland up to heaven. But from Gaston Paris’s Essay «De Pseudo-Turpino» we know this chronicle to be an apocryphical book written by two monks of the eleventh and twelfth century. p. 49, l. 1717. «set not of youre barons so light» = “do not count, consider them so little.” Cf. “to take one so lighte,” in «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 114, 156. p. 50, l. 1721. «gyfe no coost» has the same meaning as «give no tale» = “make no account, do not mind.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 8143. Cf. also «Sowdan», l. 2793, and «Syr Ferumbras», l. 5847, 101, 4975; and also ll. 173, 1578. p. 50, l. 1723. Bryer of Mounteȝ or Berard de Montdidier was celebrated for his gallantries and attentions to the ladies: “D’ardimen vail Rotlan et Olivier E de domnei Berart de Mondesdier.” «i. e.»—“In prowess I am equal to Rolland and to Oliver, in matters of love to Berart of M.” says the troubadour Peire Vidal in his poem «Dragoman seiner»; cf. also «Fierabras», ll. 2125–7: “Je ne sai cui vous estes, car ne vous puis viser, Mais je cuit c’as pucieles sivés moult bien juer, En cambre sous cortine baisier et acoler.” See, besides, «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 422, 1297, 1305, 1354. This Bryer of Mountes must be the same as the one slain in a sally of the twelve peers, ll. 2604, 2622, because, according to l. 1723, it was he who was among the peers sent on a mission to the Soudan. There is one Bryer of Brytaine occurring in l. 886, whom one might be inclined to think identical with Bryer of Mountes, as in l. 886 he is cited together with the other peers. But since we find him again as the treasurer of Charlemagne (l. 3205), this is impossible, unless we suppose the mention of Bryer in l. 3205 to be owing to the [p123] absent-mindedness of the author, who may be accused of a similar inadvertency with regard to Rychard of Normandy; cf. note to l. 2797, and Index of Names, «s. v.» Flagot. p. 50, l. 1743. «Bronland.» The true reading is «Bro»u«land», as shewn by «Fierabras», ll. 1549, 5174, &c.; «Destruction», ll. 1240–159, 441, and «Sowdan», ll. 1759, 2456. The Ashmole MS. has «Bruyllant». p. 51, l. 1751. «thane» = “thane that.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 992, p. 363. p. 51, l. 1778. «charke» hardly makes sense here. It is perhaps a clerical error for «charge», “to command, to order.” The sense would then be, “and to tell him the Soudan’s strict orders which by peril of death (= «upon life and lithe») Laban recommended him to obey.” p. 51, l. 1779. «þen» instead of «þan» would improve the rhyme. p. 52, l. 1788. «lorde of Spayne.» Cf. the French expression, “amirans d’Espaigne,” which we find so often used in the «Destruction». p. 52, l. 1802. «trappe» is Mod. Eng. «trape», which is used in the sense of “to traipse, to walk sluttishly.” Halliwell has “trapes = to wander about.” p. 52, l. 1816. «byleved.» Rhyme and sense will be improved by reading «byleven». p. 53, l. 1854. «tyme» makes no sense here. Perhaps we ought to read «I dyne»; cf. ll. 1508, 1114, 1837, and «Syr Ferumbras», l. 5621: “Oþer elles þoo shalt þyn hefd forgon, To morwen, or y wil dyne.” «Fierabras», l. 1914: “Ja mais ne mengerai si sera desmembrés.” See also «Guy», l. 3695. p. 54, l. 1888. «Syr Gy, nevew unto the king Charles.» Cf. «Fierabras», ll. 3406–8: “On m’apele Guion, de Borgoigne fui nés, Et fils d’une des filles au duc Millon d’Aingler, Cousin germain Rollant, qui tant fait à douter.” Duke Milon d’Anglers was brother-in-law to Charlemagne, whose sister Berte was Milon’s wife and mother to Roland. Cf. Philippe Mousket, l. 2706–8: “S’ot Charles une autre sereur, Bertain: cele prist à seigneur Milon d’Anglers, s’en ot Rollant.” If, therefore, in the passage quoted above from «Fierabras», Guy is said to be the grandson of Milon, he must have been the grand-nephew of Charlemagne, and nephew to Rollant. As we learn from the French poem of «Guy de Bourgoyne», Guy’s father was Samson of Burgundy. Cf. besides, «Histoire Poétique», p. 407, and «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 1922, 2091, 1410, etc. p. 55, l. 1892. «And yet knowe I him noght.» Floripas has already once [p124] seen Guy when he was defeating Lukafer before Rome; cf. «Fierabras», ll. 2237–2245: “.i. chevalier de France ai lontans enamé Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel armé; Parens est Karlemaine et Rollant l’aduré. Dès que je fui à Romme, m’a tout mon cuer emblé; Quant l’amirans mes peres fist gaster la cité, Lucafer de Baudas abati ens ou pré, Et lui et le ceval, d’un fort espiel quarré. Se cis n’est mes maris, je n’arai homme né; Pour lui voel je croire ou roi de sainte maïsté.” See also «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 2073–2087. Our line does not necessarily imply a contradiction to the French text, as on the former occasion she probably saw the duel from a great distance, when the latter’s features were hidden by his helmet. That she really did not recognize him follows from the following passage of «Fierabras», l. 2800, «et seq.» “Je aim en douce France .i. leger baceler.” —“Dame, comment a nom?” ce dist Rollans li her Et respont la puciele: “ja le m’orrés nommer; Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel armé.” —“Par mon cief” dist Rollans “à vos ex le véés N’a pas entre vous deus iiii piés mesurés.” Besides there are numerous instances to be met with in mediæval poetry of persons enamoured of some one they had never seen: “Ans no la vi et am la fort” says Guilhelm de Poitiers in speaking of his lady (Mahn, «Werke der Troubadours», p. 3). Cf. also «Rits. Rom.» II. 19, and «Web. Rom.» II. 131. p. 55, l. 1927. «myghty» seems to mean “excellent, delicious,” rather than “heavy.” p. 57, l. 1974. «amonge», “every now and then, from time to time, occasionally.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 2301. It is often used as a kind of expletive. p. 57, l. 1995. «foulis», “fools, foolish.” Cf. the French text: “Par Mahoun, dist li rois, trestout sont «fol» prové.” p. 57, l. 1996. There is no mention made of this game in the Provençal poem. It is described here even more explicitly than in the French «Fierabras», ll. 2907–2932. Cf. also «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 2230–2251. p. 57, l. 1997. «assorte» = “assembly, company;” by one assorte = “in one company” (Halliwell). It seems to be connected with «sort» = “set, assemblage,” see Skeat, «Specimens of E. E.», 425/999 p. 58, l. 2000. «i-fest» : «blast». Perhaps we ought to read «i-fast». p. 59, l. 2036. «maden orders.» I do not know the exact meaning of this expression. Perhaps it may be taken with the same sense as the Mod. H. Germ. phrase = “ordnung schaffen,” which literally means [p125] “to set in order, to put matters straight,” but is often used in the sense of “to clear away,” or, “to remove or despatch.” p. 59, l. 2045. «that he wente awaye with lym» = “that he had escaped with (his limbs, or having) his limbs safe and sound.” «lyme», O.E. «lim», Mod. Eng. «limb». p. 59, l. 2052. «tho» = O.E. «Þâ», “those, them,” it is used as a definite article in l. 2063. p. 59, l. 2057. «amapide», miswritten for «awapide» (Herrtage), “astounded, bewildered.” Cf. Stratmann, p. 10.—Mätzner, «Wörterbuch», p. 150, connects it with Goth. «afhvapjan», “to suffocate.” We find «m» written for «w» several times in our poem; thus we read «ga»m«ylokes» for «ga»w«ylokes» in l. 2650, and «ro»m«me» for «ro»w«me» in l. 876. p. 60, l. 2085. «Assyne.» The rhyme shows that «Assye» is the true reading. «Assye» occurs in ll. 102, 123. p. 60, l. 2093. «wone», “heap, plenty.” O.Icel. «wân». See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», p. 444. p. 61, l. 2119. «Brenlande.» It ought to be «Breuland» or «Brouland»; see above note to l. 1743. p. 61, l. 2120. The first foot in the line consists of the single word «what». Thus in ll. 2288, 2374, 2394, etc. p. 62, l. 2145. «Espyarde.» This name only occurs in this poem. In «Syr Ferumbras», l. 3824, the messenger sent to the bridge-keeper is called Malyngryas. There is no name mentioned in the French «Fierabras», l. 4265. p. 62, l. 2156. «That no man by the brigge.» There is no verb in the sentence. Perhaps we ought to read «that no man passe by the brigge», or, «that no man passe the brigge». p. 63, l. 2191. Cf. the description of the giant in «Fierabras», ll. 4740–4755, and «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 4435–4441. p. 63, l. 2199. «nolde not.» See note to l. 1096. p. 64, l. 2225. The line is too long. «Wilde» can be dispensed with, and instead of «horses» we may read «hors»; cf. Skeat, Gloss. to «Prioress’s Tale» (Clarendon Press), «s. v.» hors. p. 64, l. 2233. «a magnelle», “a mangonel,” an ancient military engine used for battering down walls (Halliwell). «Magnelle» is the O.Fr. «Mangonel», or «Mangoneau», the Italian «manganello» (= “arbalist, cross-bow”). The latter is the diminutive form of «mangano», “a sling;” Greek, μαγγανον. See Diez, «Etym. Wörterb.», I. 261. p. 64, l. 2238. «Cornel» or «carnel», Fr. «carnel», Mod.Fr. «créneau», “battlement, pinnacle.” Literally it means, “a piece carved out,” «i. e.» of the wall on the top of a building; the French verb «carneler» or «creneler» signifying, “to carve out, to jag, to notch.” «Carnel» is derived from Latin «crena» (See Diez, «Gramm.», I. 14), which means “a notch, a cut, an incision” (Diez, «Etym. Wörterb.», II. 266). Thus «carnel» came to denote a battlement or indented parapet; or more [p126] exactly it was applied to those parts of the wall projecting upwards between the openings or embrasures. It was one of these projecting portions that was here knocked down. Cf. also «Syr Ferumbras», l. 3314. p. 65, l. 2245. The line is too long. Perhaps «or he hit» may be dispensed with. p. 65, l. 2247. The episode of Marsedag being slain by Guy is not found in any other poem of this romance. p. 65, l. 2271. «Alkaron», “the Koran,” «al» is the Arabic article. There is a god named Alcaron occurring in l. 2762. p. 66, l. 2282. «dye» : «waye». See l. 441. «forfamelid» = “famished, starved to death.” I am not aware of any other instance of this word. Halliwell has “famele = to be famished.” The prefix «for-» has intensive or augmentative power; it is particularly used in past participles. See Mätzner’s «Grammatik», I^2. 542. p. 66, l. 2290. «faile» is the infinitive mood = “to be wanting, to become deficient.” “Roland seeing the ladies white and pale (with hunger) and (seeing) the bread wanting on their table spoke some words of lamentation,” etc. p. 66, l. 2303. «forcere», “chest, coffer.” For the etymology see Diez, «Wörterb.», II. 31, «s. v.» forziere. p. 66, l. 2309. As it stands the line is too long. As «you» and «that» may be dispensed with, we ought perhaps to read, «I pray ye wole us alle it shewe». p. 66, l. 2310. «saule», “fill, hunger satisfied to repletion.” The rhyme shows that the last syllable is accentuated. Therefore it cannot be derived from the French «soûl» (Gloss. to Roxb. Club ed.), but from «soûlée». p. 66, l. 2311. «yede» = “went.” Not from O.E. «eode», but from «ge-eode». See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 60, and Skeat, «Piers the Plowman» (Clarendon Press), 94/40. p. 66, l. 2312. «vertue» : «fewe»; the rhyme is perfect, see the Abstract of Mr. Nicol’s paper in the «Academy» of June 23, 1877 (vol. xi. p. 564, col. 1). p. 66, l. 2313. We must scan this line thus: And dídẹṇ it aboútẹ hem éverychón. [Illustration: poetry scansion markup] «-en» in «diden» is mute; see «Introduction», p. xxxix. p. 67, l. 2326. «ginne» = “engin, contrivance, trick.” See note to l. 780. p. 67, l. 2337. «lefte.» The rhyme shows that the author pronounced «lafte», which we find in l. 426. p 68, l. 2351. Cf. «Fierabras», ll. 3046–3097. In the Provençal poem Maubyn or Malpi, as he is called in Provençal, enters the room by means of a charm which makes the door open itself: [p127] “Vengutz es al fossat, pres de la tor cayrada. Tantost intret dedins cuendamens a celada, Venc a l’us de la cambra: si la trobet tancada. Et «a dit son conjur»: tota s’es desfermada.” ll. 2757–60. p. 68, l. 2365. The rhyme is restored if we read «ledde» instead of «ladde». See l. 1651. p. 69, l. 2390. «By God and seynte Mary, myn avour.» I think the words «myn avoure» are due to the scribe, not to the author, as they spoil the rhythm. So we get «Mary» : «we». This rhyme, although not perfect, is of no rare occurrence in Mid. Eng. works, see «Introduction», p. xliv. As to the spelling of «avour» I am not aware of any other instance of this form of the word. There is a form «avyowre» cited by Halliwell. Besides, «avoury» and «avowery», which he quotes under different heads, are perhaps only different spellings of the same word. p. 69, l. 2399. «slepinge» must be altered into «slepande» in order to restore the rhyme. The author employed «-and» and «-ynge» as terminations of the present participle. See «Introduction», p. xxxviii. p. 69, l. 2421. «also» belongs to l. 2422. p. 70, l. 2433. «so mete I spede», “as I may succeed.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 615. p. 71, l. 2477. «and now» is perhaps miswritten for «inow»; cf. the French text, l. 3803: “«Tant» y a plates d’or, nus nes porroit nombrer.” p. 71, l. 2482. «wast» gives no sense. Perhaps we ought to read «went». p. 72, ll. 2491–2502. The arrangement of the stanzas seems, as regards the rhymes, to be incorrect. p. 72, l. 2507. In the Ashmole «Ferumbras» this episode of the Soudan breaking the image of Mahound is omitted. In the French text he only threatens to make him cry, as soon as he gets hold of him, but he is rebuked by Sorbrance telling him that Mahomet being over-tired with guarding the treasure has only fallen asleep. Cf. «Fierabras», ll. 3820–3829. p. 72, l. 2512. «ore», O.E. «âr», “mercy, favour.” «Thyn ore» = “grant us thy favour,” “have mercy upon us,” or, “with thy favour.” p. 73, l. 2535. Richard of Normandy appearing here as in the French «Fierabras», among the twelve peers besieged by the Soudan, without having been mentioned before in the number of the knights sent on a mission by Charles, furnishes us with an argument in support of our supposition that the French «Fierabras» was the source of our poem. See «Introduction», p. xxx, and of «Fierabras», ll. 3957–3994, and «Syr Ferumbras», l. 4921. p. 73, l. 2538. «wynde» : «hende»; «wende» which occurs in l. 2328 would improve the rhyme. [p128] p. 73, l. 2549. «paramour» = “object of chivalrous affection and devotion.” p. 73, l. 2557. «wronge», preterite of «wringe», “to press well out, force one’s way.” p. 73, l. 2558. Does «thile» stand for «while», as «then», l. 2527, seems to be miswritten for «when»? Or is «thile» = the while? p. 74, l. 2564. «sloughe» : «drowe». Read «slowe», as in ll. 2401, 2683, 304, 2208, etc. p. 75, l. 2597. «itolde», “in number,” see Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 1770. p. 75, l. 2614. «quell» = “«kill»,” which occurs in l. 3006. p. 75, l. 2616. «bistadde», “hard bestead, greatly imperilled.” p. 75, l. 2617. «japed», “mocked, tricked, laughed at.” Connected with Icel. «gabba», “to mock.” p. 76, l. 2639. «tha». See «Introduction», p. xxxvii. p. 76, l. 2651. «lurdeyn», Mod. Eng. «lurdan», which is said to be the Fr. «lourdin» (diminutive of «lourd»). Regarding it as a corruption of “lord Dane” is a mere joke: “In every house lord Dane did then rule all, Whence laysie lozels lurdanes now we call.” «Mirrour for Magistrates», p. 588. p. 76, l. 2654. «sewes.» See Skeat, «Prioress’s Tale», p. 286. p. 76, l. 2660. «let armes» makes no sense. Read «as armes»—«As armes» = Fr. «aux armes», “to arms,” is of pretty frequent occurrence in Mid. Eng. poems; see Mätzner’s «Wörterb.», p. 112. Cf. also «Syr Ferumbras», l. 2933: “As armes,” þanne cride Rolond, “As armes everychone!” Cf. «ibidem», l. 4125. So we read in the «Destruction», l. 1460. “Ore as armes, seignours, franc chevalier membré.” Perhaps we ought to read «as armes» also in l. 491, where the reading «and armes» is somewhat suspicious, since «armes», if we regard «and armes» to be the true reading, would be the only instance of the imperative plural ending in «-es» (instead of «-eth») in the «Sowdan». p. 77, l. 2689. «Thay thanked God that thay him hadde Gyfe thaye suche grace to spede.» These lines are corrupt. I propose to read: “Thay thanked God that hem hadde Gyfen suche grace to spede.” p. 77, l. 2694. «alaye», written as one word in the MS., must be divided into two, «a» being the indefinite article, and «laye» meaning “unploughed ground, field, pasture, meadow.” Mod. Eng. «ley», «lea», «lay». See «Stratmann», s. v. «leȝe», p. 356. p. 77, l. 2698. «he», “they.” This is the only instance of «he» instead of the common «thay». But «he», which is further confirmed by the rhyme, must certainly be attributed to the author; «thay» occurs only once [p129] (l. 3021) as a rhyme, but the rhyme is not a good one, and there also it would be preferable to read «he». p. 78, l. 2706. «by my thrifte», the same as “so mote y thryve,” or, “so mote y spede” = “as (verily as) I may thrive,” “in truth.” p. 78, l. 2707. «see»; cf. Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 163. p. 78, l. 2719. «wole» : «skille». The rhyme shows that «wole» cannot be due to the author; we must read «wille» (or «welle» which occurs l. 2633). p. 78, l. 2732. «bikure» or «bykeringe», l. 2559 = “fight, battle, skirmish.” «Er durste bikure abide.» The subject is wanting, see note to l. 67. Or is there any corruption in this line? Perhaps we ought to read: “Lenger durste [thay] no bikure abyde.” Cf. ll. 3117, 2610, 2947. p. 79, l. 2748. «love.» The rhyme requires «leef» or «leeve». «leef», O.E. «leof», means “dear, beloved.” For examples of «leef» being used as a substantive, see Stratmann, p. 359. p. 80, l. 2793. «eye», “egg.” See Koch, «Eng. Gr.» II. § 582, and compare the French phrase “valoir un œuf pelé.” p. 80, l. 2797. «and his meyne.» This must be a mistake of the author himself. According to l. 2557, Richard had ventured alone on a mission to Charlemagne. There is no mention whatever made afterwards that he was joined by any one; the other poems likewise state that Richard was without any companion. p. 80, l. 2805. «lete» : «gate». The rhyme requires «late». p. 81, l. 2810. «cliffe.» Here the author of the «Sowdan» goes so far in shortening his original as to be wholly unintelligible. Indeed, any reader, not comparing these lines with corresponding passages in the French poem, will be left without any clue to what «cliff» is here intended to mean. From the French «Fierabras» we know that the water of the river was very deep and broad, and that the banks were exceedingly steep and almost inaccessible. Cf. «Fierabras», ll. 4349: “Et voit l’augue bruiant, le flot parfont et lé.” l. 4358: “La rive en est moult haute, bien fait à redouter.” Cf. also the Provençal poem, ll. 3733, «et seq.»: “Richart regarda l’aygua, que fe mot a duptar, E fo grans e preonda, que no y auza intrar, E la riba fou «auta de C pes» ses gaber.” Now it was by means of a twofold myracle that the Christian knight was enabled to cross the river: (1) The waters suddenly increased and rose so as to reach the very top of the banks; cf. «Fierabras», ll. 4365–69: “Or oiés quel vertu Diex i vaut demonstrer Por le roi Karlemaine, qui tant fait à douter. Ançois que on ëust une liuée alé, Veïssiés si Flagot engroissier et enfler, Que par «desous la rive commence à seronder».” Provençal, ll. 3741–45: [p130] “Ara podetz auzir, si m voletz escoutar: Tan bela meravilha li volc dieus demostrar Per lo bon rey de Fransa que el volc tant amar; Ans un trag de balesta pogues lunhs hom anar, Pogratz vezer Flagot «sus la riba montar».” (2) A deer appears and shows Richard the way across the river to the top of the opposite bank. “Atant es vous .i. cerf, que Diex i fist aler, Et fu blans comme nois, biaus fu à resgarder. Devant le ber Richart se prent à demostrer, Devant lui est tantost ens en Flagot entrés. Li dus voit Sarrazins après lui aroutés, S’il ot paour de mort ne fait à demander. Après le blance bisse commencha à errer Tout ainsi com ele vait, lait le ceval aler; Et li ciers vait devant, qui bien s’i sot garder, D’autre part à la rive se prent à ariver.” Cf. also the Provençal version, ll. 3751–54: “Apres la blanca bestia laycha ’l destrier anar. E lo cer vay denan, que l saup mot ben guizar, De l’autra part de l’aygua l’a fayt ben aribar, «E dieus a fayt Flagot en son estat tornar».” This bank which formerly was steep and inaccessible, but is now covered with water, is called «cliff» by our poet. In the Ashmolean poem the first miracle is not mentioned; cf. «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 3943, «et seq.» p. 81, l. 2811. «he blessed him in Godis name.» The phrase occurs also in «Syr Ferumbras», l. 3961, but is not to be found in the French text. Mr. John Shelley (in his paper printed in the «Annual Report and Transactions» of the Plymouth Institution, IV. i. 71) took this phrase as a proof that the original of the «Sowdan» could not have been the French poem. But it must be stated that as in the «Sowdan», l. 2807, so in the French version Richard is said to have addressed a prayer to God: “Escortrement commence Jhesu à reclamer: Glorieus sire pere, qui te laissas pener En la crois beneoite pour ton pule sauver, Garisiés hui mon cors de mort et d’afoler, Que je puisse Karlon mon message conter.” «Fierabras», ll. 4360–64. If now we consider that some lines back (l. 4093) the French poem expressively states that Richard seeing himself hard pressed by the Saracens, signed himself with the sign of the cross— “Lors a levé sa main, de Jhesu s’est signiés” an incident which at that moment is omitted in the «Sowdan»—we think ourselves entitled to regard this proof as not very convincing. p. 81, l. 2820. «Ganelon», one of Charlemagne’s officers, who by his treachery was the cause of the defeat of Roncesvaux, the death of Roland, etc., for which he was torn to death by horses. For [p131] several centuries his name was a synonymous word with traitor. «Ganelo» = Germ. «Wenhilo». p. 81, l. 2845. «Fremounde» cannot be the true reading, as it does not rhyme with «kinge». Besides «Fremounde» does not occur again in the poem. Perhaps we ought to read «Qwyntyne», as in l. 1298. In the corresponding passage of the French «Fierabras» (l. 4625) it is to St. Denis that Charles swears; cf. also «Syr Ferumbras», l. 4289. p. 82, l. 2850. «And» makes no sense. Read “«God».” p. 83, l. 2887. «gryse» : «assaye». We get a perfect rhyme if we read «gray» instead of «gryse». Halliwell, «s. v.» “gray,” has: “the skin or fur of a badger.” p. 83, l. 2891. As it stands, the line does not rhyme with l. 2893. The rhyme will be restored if we read: “«Lycence gete ye noone nere»,” or perhaps “«Lycence gete ye of me nere»,” «nere» meaning «ne’er», «never», as in «Guy», 10550 and 10716. p. 84, l. 2939. The name of the giantess is «Amiette» or «Amiote» in the other poems. p. 84, l. 2941. This line is too long; «as þikke» may be omitted. p. 84, l. 2942. «bydene», “immediately, all at once.” On the etymology see Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 2408. p. 85, l. 2981. «ayene» means “back.” So in «Genesis and Exodus», l. 1097: “And bodem hem and tagten wel ðat here non wente agen.” Again, l. 3267: “ðo quoðen he ‘wende agen, An israel folc lete we ben.’” p. 86, l. 3020. As it stands, this line does not scan well. Perhaps we may read «month» instead of «monthes», and «childre» instead of «children», and scan the line thus: Foúnd two chíldrẹ of séven month oólde. [Illustration: poetry scansion markup] p. 87, l. 3021. «thay» : «Normandy». The rhyme, though imperfect, cannot be objected to; but as the rhyme «e» : «y» («i») is frequently employed by our author (see «Introduction», p. xliv), and was of rather common use about that period (see Ellis, «Pronunciation», I. 271), we might incline to the supposition that «he» is the true reading. Cf. besides l. 2698. p. 87, l. 3034. «mene» makes no sense. Perhaps we ought to read: «mete», “food.” p. 87, l. 3044. In the French poem, l. 5108, Hoel and Riol are appointed governors of Mantrible, whereas Richard goes on with Charles and commands one of the divisions of his army (l. 5577). Cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 5643. p. 88, l. 3062. «coost», “country, region.” See Mätzner’s «Wörterb.», 487. p. 88, l. 3084. In the «Fierabras», l. 5374, it is Naymes who first recognizes the banner of France; cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 5209. [p132] p. 89, l. 3098. «of the Ethiopes» = “some of the Ethiopians.” This may be regarded as an example of the partitive use of «of». Cf. Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 1961. p. 89, l. 3103. «alto hewe» must be more correctly written «al to-hewe»;—«to-», as a mere prefix (signifying “in twain, asunder, apart” = Germ. «zer») belongs essentially to the verb; the intensive adverb «al» (= “utterly, omnino,”) used before verbs beginning not only with «to-», but also before other prefixes, still further strengthens, and belongs to, the whole expression. So «al to-treden», l. 1382, «to-braste», l. 1168. p. 89, l. 3122. «Belmore.» Perhaps identical with Belmarine. p. 90, l. 3130. «wode-wroth», “madly angry.” Cf. Skeat, «Specimens of Early Eng. Lit.», 80/37. p. 90, l. 3141. «game», “sport, joke, affair.” p. 90, l. 3154. «hat», “be called.” See note, l. 613. p. 91, l. 3164. «bronde», “sword.” In the next line «bronte» means “blow, stroke.” p. 91, l. 3189. «lande» : «commaunde». See note, l. 59. p. 91, l. 3191. The rhyme is spoiled. Perhaps «than» must be transposed so that we get the rhyme «baptysed» : «imaryed». p. 92, l. 3210. «there to abide in store» = “to be kept in store”; cf. Skelton, ed. Dyce, I. 162, 221. p. 92, l. 3227. «victory» = “booty, spoils of victory, trophy.” p. 92, l. 3232. «the hyer honde to have» = “to have conquered or vanquished.” The same phrase is found in M. H. G.; cf. Hartmann’s «Iwein», ed. Lachmann, l. 1537–8: “Vrou Minne nam die obern hant, daz sî in vienc unde bant.” p. 93, l. 3236. In the French «Fierabras», l. 6082, «et seq.», and in the Provençal poem, l. 5067, «et seq.», the relics are distributed as follows: Part of the crown and one nail to St. Denis, and “«li signes»,” the winding-sheet of the Lord, to Compiègne. There is no mention made of the cross in the French poem (see note to l. 665); cf. Introd. pp. l and liv. p. 93, l. 3253. According to the «Chanson de Roland», Ganelon has been drawn and quartered in a field near Aix-la-Chapelle. p. 94, l. 3254. «By lawe», cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 307: “As for traytours ȝaf þe lawe.” On this law compare Léon Gautier’s note to l. 3736 of the «Chanson de Roland». p. 95, l. 3274. The French poem ends with the assertion of the poet (or the scribe) that whoever has well listened to this romance will find every part of it good and excellent, the opening, the middle, and the end: “De cest roumant est boine et la fin et l’entree, Et enmi et partout, qui bien l’a escoutée.” [p133] GLOSSARY. O.E. = Old English or Anglo Saxon. O.Fr. = Old French. 32/1094 = page 32, line 1094. Abye, 32/1094, «vb.» to pay for, expiate. O.E. âbycgan. adaunte, 28/957, «vb.» to subdue. Fr. danter, donter, dompter. aferde, 39/1337, «pp.» afraid. O.E. âf[^æ]rde. affrayned, 43/1495, «pt. s.» asked. O.E. frignan. afraye, 26/896, «sb.» disturbance, fight. agreved, 29/992, «pp.» aggrieved. Fr. aggrever. alayned, 43/1497, «pt. s.» concealed, dissembled. Icel. leyna. alle and some, 22/749, altogether, every one. almiht, 38/1329, «adj.» «See note.» ameved, 29/994, «pp.» moved. amonge, 57/1994, «adv.» in the mean time, now and then, sometimes. «See note to» l. 1974. aplight, 17/573, «adv.» certainly, indeed. «See note.» areeste, 34/1166, «sb.» rest, support. O.Fr. arrest. arson, 41/1410, «sb.» pommel. Fr. arçon. aspied, 10/314, «pp.» espied. Fr. espier. assaye, 83/2889, «sb.» value. Fr. essai. assorte, 57/1997, «sb.» assembly, company. «See note.» assoyled, 70/2455, «pt. pl.» absolved. astraye, 16/532, «adv.» out of the right way, roving about without guidance. astyte, 42/1456, «adv.» immediately. asure, 5/134, «sb.» azure. atame, 27/935, «vb.» to tame, subdue. O.E. âtamian. atone, 32/1103, agree. attones, 31/1067, at once. avente, 36/1237, «vb.» to take breath. Fr. venter. avoure, 69/2390, «sb.» protection, protectress. avyse, 49/1716, «vb.» to consider, advise with one’s self. Fr. aviser. awapide, 59/2057, «pp.» astounded, bewildered. «See note.» ayene, 85/2981, «adv.» back. Bandon, 19/636, «sb.» disposal. bassatours (?), 29/995, «sb.» vavassors. bawson, 2/52, «sb.» badger. baye, 27/940, «sb.» recess, niche. «See note.» beckyn, 3/64, «vb.» beckon. O.E. bêacnian. bedight, 88/3070, «vb.» to dispose, to surrender, to send forth. behight, 25/859, «pt. s.» promised. O.E. heht. bende, 13/420, «vb.» to direct. bente, 20/665, «adj.» bent, crooked. benysone, 9/289, «sb.» blessing. Fr. benoison. bette, 49/1716, «adv.» better. bikure, 78/2732, «sb.» skirmish. bispake, 5/165, «pt. s.» spoke with. bistadde, 75/2616, «pp.» placed in peril, hardly bestead. Cf. O.E. stæððan. Dan. bestede. biwry, 46/1580, «vb.» betray. O.E. biwrêgan. bloo, 29/1005, «adj.» blue. Icel. blâr. blynne, 70/2442, «vb.» to cease, stop. O.E. belinnan. bobaunce, 7/211, «sb.» boasting. boure, 54/1870, «sb.» a lady’s apartment, boudoir. O.E. bûr. bowe, 53/1853, «sb.» bough, branch. O.E. bôg. braide, 32/1098, «pt. s.» drew. O.E. brægd. brayde, 8/247, «sb.» craft, deceit, artifice. «See note.» breddes, 5/131, «sb.» birds. O.E. bridas. broke, 57/1965, «vb.» to break. bronte, 91/3166, «sb.» blow. buskede, 31/1055, «pt. s.» prepared, arrayed. Icel. bûask. by, 3/87, «vb.» buy, pay. O.E. bycgan. bydene, 84/2942, immediately. «Originally» mid ene. «See note.» bygone, 3/79, «pp.» afflicted. «See note.» bykeringe, 74/2595, «sb.» skirmish. by than, 10/344. «See note.» Camalyon, 29/1008, «sb.» camel-leopard. «See note.» carrikes, 4/118, a kind of large ship. «See note.» caste, 12/394, «sb.» plan, stratagem; 60/2091, the throwing; 71/2471, missile. «See note to» l. 394. ceased, 89/3109, «pt. s.» seized. chaffer, 83/2885, «sb.» merchandise. O.E. cêap, faru. charke, 51/1778, «vb.» to creak, crack. «See note.» chek, 8/189, «sb.» a checkered cloth. chere, 6/201, «sb.» demeanour, behaviour, humour. chere, 80/2781, «sb.» friendliness, willingness. chere, 87/3030, «adj.» pleased, merry. chese, 49/1698, «vb.» to be free to choose. O.E. cêosan. clepeth, 24/809, «pr. s.» calls. clipped, 56/1935, «pt. pl.» embraced, hugged. O.E. clyppan. clog, 46/1603, «sb.» “truncus,” block. cloute, 58/2014, «sb.» blow. combrest, 83/2909, «pr. s.» encumberest. Fr. combrer. coost, 50/1721, «sb.» regard, account. «See note.» cornell, 64/2238, «sb.» shaft of a pinnacle or battlement. O.Fr. carnell. «See note to» l. 2238, and compare Du Cange, «s. v.» quarnellus: “pinna muri per quam milites jaculantur.” coude, 16/541, «pt. s.» knew. counsail, 46/1590, secret. Defouled, 7/233, «pp.» polluted. Cf. O.E. fŷlan, fûlian. delte, 16/526, «pp.» dealt. dere, 92/3202, «vb.» to harm, injure. O.E. derian. derke, 73/2541, «adj.» dark. dewe, 70/2452, «adj.» due. dight, 79/2763, «pp.» dressed, prepared. O.E. dihtan. dinge, 26/880, «vb.» to dash, beat. Cf. Icel. dengja. dirke, 44/1539. «See note.» dobbet, 33/1136, «pp.» dubbed. O.E. dubban. Fr. dober. dome, 14/478, «sb.» glory. don, 88/3078, «vb.» cause, order O.E. dôn. donne, 11/347, «adj.» dun. dowte, 9/297, «sb.» fear. dradde, 36/1232, «pt. s.» feared. Cf. O.E. on-dr[^æ]dan. dresse, 49/1702, «vb.» to direct one’s self, go, start. Fr. dresser. dromonde, 3/63, «sb.» vessel of war. dute, 30/1024, «sb.» duty. Deriv. of due, dewe. Fr. deu. Egre, 29/1009, «vb.» to excite, to urge. eke, 20/662, «adv.» also. O.E. êac. engyn, 28/948, «sb.» a skilful contrivance. Fr. engin. ensample, 27/931, «sb.» example. entente, 16/550, «vb.» to turn one’s attention to, to try to get, to attempt. entente, 28/945, «sb.» meaning, will, mind. erille, 11/368, «sb.» earl. erraunte, 5/139, quick, immediately. eye, 80/2793, «sb.» egg. O.E. æg. Fade, 20/678, «vb.» to dispose, to arrange, to set up (?). fade, 30/1033, «adj.» weak, faint. faste, 32/1086, «adv.» much, greatly. fat, 90/3152, «sb.» Vat, tub. O.E. fæt. fauchon, 76/2650, «sb.» a sword or falchion. faye, 26/900, «vb.» truth, faith. fele, 47/1619, «adj.» many. felle, 29/1004, «adj.» fierce, furious. felte, 41/1405, «pt. s.» made fall, killed. fende, 92/3231, «pp.» defended, protected, granted. fere, 36/1248, «sb.» fear. O.E. f[^æ]r. fere, 44/1505, «sb.» companion. In fere, 31/1071, together. fere, 2/59, «vb.» to terrify. ferre, 4/103, «adv.» far. fet, 91/3188, «pp.» fetched. fille, 35/1210, «pt. s.» fell. fleen, 88/3065, to flay. O.E. flêan. folde, 71/1427, «pp.» felled, knocked down. forcere, 66/2303, «sb.» chest, coffer. O.Fr. forcier. for-famelid, 66/2282, «pp.» entirely famished. foule, 77/2686, «vb.» foul luck, mischance. fowarde, 15/502, 22/732, «sb.» vanguard. frankensense, 20/679, «sb.» an odorous resin, pure incense. fraye, 15/514, «vb.» to frighten, attack. frike, 4/104, «adj.» quick, bold, active. frith, 2/43, «sb.» enclosed wood. froo, 79/760, «prep.» from. fyne, 9/306, «sb.» end. Game, 90/3141, «sb.» affair; 92/3199, pleasure. O.E. gamen. gan, 16/549, «pt. s.» began. gavylok, 41/1426, «sb.» a spear or javelin. O.E. gafoluc. geaunesse, 84/2943 (?), «sb.» giantess. geder, 45/1553, «vb.» to gather. O.E. gædrian. glased, 35/1208, «pt. s.» glided. O.Fr. glacier. See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 5067. glede, 7/205, «sb.» a glowing coal, ember. O.E. glêd. god, 3/67, «adj.» versed in, master of. gome, 5/144, «sb.» man. O.E. guma. gonge, 84/2934, «vb.» to go. O.E. gongan. goulis, 6/189, «sb.» gules, a red colour. Fr. geules. gray, 83/2887, «sb.» the fur of a gray, or badger. O.E. gr[^æ]g. gree, 82/2850, «sb.» grace, favour. Fr. gré. Lat. gratum. grenned, 84/2948, «pt. s.» grinned, roared. O.E. grennian. grevaunce, 29/993, «sb.» grievance. greved, 45/1543, «pt. s.» grieved, molested, troubled. grith, 82/2850, «sb.» peace, agreement. O.E. grið. gryse, 83/2887, «sb.» a kind of fur. Fr. gris. guttis, 39/1351, «sb.» guts. O.E. gut. gydoure, 5/163, «sb.» leader, guide. gynne, 67/2326, «sb.» enginne, contrivance. Harde, 59/2056, «pt. s.» heard. hat, 90/3154, «vb.» to be called. O.E. hâtan. he, 77/2698, «pron. nominat.» thay. O.E. hî. heede, 62/2158, «sb.» head. O.E. hêafod. hende, 73/2536, «adj.» gentle, polite. O.E. hendig. hennys, 55/1922, «adv.» hence. O.E. heonan. hente, 40/1370, «vb.» hold, take. O.E. hentan. hie, 14/455, «sb.» haste. hight, 18/613, «pt. s.» promised; 36/1242, art called. O.E. heht. honde of honde, 12/394, in close fight. hoole, 32/1119, «adj.» whole, sound. O.E. hâl. hurle, 27/929, «vb.» to jostle, to strike. A contraction of «hurtle». hurteled, 24/831, «pt. pl.» clashed against, jostled. Frequentative of «hurt». Fr. hurter, heurter. hye, 32/1092, «sb.» haste. I-fast, 58/2000, fixed. ilkadele, 58/2016, every part. O.E. [^æ]lc, d[^æ]l. ilke, 9/281, «adj.» same. O.E. ylca. inowe, 25/854, «adv.» enough. O.E. genôh. ishente, 66/2286, «pp.» destroyed. O.E. ge-scended. istoke, 56/1963, «pp.» shut up, fastened. From steken. O.L.G. stecan. istonge, 16/533, «pp.» stung, pierced. O.E. stungen. it, 25/845, «vb.» to hit. Icel. hitta. iwis, 3/71, «adv.» certainly, indeed. O.E. gewiss. iwone, 11/358, «adj.» accustomed. Japed, 75/2617, «pp.» mocked, laughed at. O.Icel. gabba. jouste, 57/1991, «vb.» to joust, fight. Fr. jouster. Kele, 93/3258, «vb.» to keel, cool. O.E. cêlan. kind, 63/2196, «sb.» race, family. kithe, 28/971, «vb.» to show, manifest. O.E. cŷðan. kon, 66/2297, «prs. pl.» can. kynde, 28/968, «sb.» nature, temper. kynde, 2/42, «adj.» natural, inborn. Lan, 15/516, «pt. s.» ceased, stopped. O.E. lan. late, 71/2460, «pt. pl.» let, caused, ordered. O.E. lêt, l[^æ]ton. launde, 2/59, «sb.» park, lawn. laye, 77/2694, «sb.» lea, field. O.E. lêah. Cf. Water-«loo». laye, 28/951, «sb.» law. O.E. lagu. layne, 16/538, «pt. pl.» lay. O.E. l[^æ]gon. lefe, 23/763, «vb.» leave, abandon, forsake. O.E. l[^æ]fan. lefe-long, 24/832, «adj.» long, tedious. legeeȝ, 23/775, leagues. Fr. lieue. O.Fr. legue. Lat. leuca. leke, 50/1726, «sb.» leek. O.E. lêac. lele, 33/1129, «adj.» leal, loyal. Fr. leal. lenger, 72/2500, «compar.» longer. lere, 66/2289, «sb.» countenance, complexion. O.E. hlêor. lere, 74/2569, «vb.» to teach. lered, 58/2005, «pp.» learned. lerne, 33/1141, «vb.» to teach. lese, 49/1683, «vb.» to loose. O.E. lêosan. lette, 17/585, «vb.» leave off; 74/2610, to put a stop to, hinder, tarry. O.E. lettan. leve, 23/794, «vb.» leave. O.E. l[^æ]fan; 30/1045, omit, neglect. leve, 19/651, «vb.» live, remain. O.E. gelŷfan. leven, 31/1050, «vb.» believe. O.E. lêfan. lewde, 75/2601, «sb.» laymen, unlearned. O.E. l[^æ]wed. light, 26/905, «adj.» active, nimble. light, 33/1125, «pp.» alighted. O.E. lîhtan. lithe, 81/1778, «sb.» limb, member. O.E. lið. logges, 69/2399, «sb.» huts. Fr. loge. longith, 28/951, «prs. s.» belongeth, becomes. loute, 72/2513, «vb.» to stoop, bow down. O.E. lûtan. lowly, 70/2454, «adv.» low, not loud. lurdeynes, 76/2651, «sb.» lurdan, lout. Fr. lourdin. lym, 59/2045, «sb.» limb. lyued, 66/1261, «pt. pl.» lived. Magre, 42/1442, «prep.» in spite of. maistryes, 89/3117, «sb. pl.» mastery, proof of skill, combat. manly, 29/989, «adj.» brave. mayne, 16/528, «sb.» main, strength. me, 9/287, «sb.» men, people, one. meche, 6/179, «adj.» much. O.E. mycel. mede, 31/1054, «sb.» meadow. O.E. m[^æ]d. mede, 37/1289, «sb.» meed, pay. O.E. mêd. medel, 73/2540, «vb.» meddle. O.Fr. mesler, mestler. men, 4/115, «sb.» men, people, one. menske, 28/972, «sb.» manliness, honour. O.E. mennisc. mente, 51/1784, «vb.» to aim at, to intend to go. O.E. myntan. «See note to» l. 1604. mervaylyth, 88/3066, «prs. s.» marvels, wonders. Cf. Fr. merveille. mete, 47/1633, «sb.» food, repast. meyne, 7/219, «sb.» host, company, retinue. O.Fr. maisniee. mikille, 30/1016, «adj.» many. O.E. mycel. moche, 15/505, «adj.» much. mode, 29/1009, «sb.» mind, temper, courage. O.E. môd. moolde, 5/136, «sb.» earth, worth. O.E. molde. moone, 28/944, «sb.» moan, complaint. Cf. O.E. m[^æ]nan. more, 23/777, delay. «See note to» l. 1110. more, 29/1005, «sb.» moor, Maurian. mot, 19/650, «vb.» may. myghty, 56/1927, «adj.» «See the note.» myrke, 45/1541, «adj.» dark. O.E. myrce. Natheless, 15/506, «adv.» nevertheless. nather, 36/1232, «adj.» nother. ner, 13/416, «conj.» nor. nere, 22/756, «adv.» near. nerehond, 86/2998, «adv.» almost. noght, 43/1497, «adv.» not. noght, 78/2712, «sb.» nothing. none, 32/1114, «sb.» noon. nones, 3/74, «sb.» nonce, occasion. nothinge, 6/175, not at all. nothir, 8/267, «conj.» neither. nought for than, 43/1483, nevertheless. nyl, 17/585, «prs. s.» will not. O.E. nyle. Of, 32/1088, «prp.» on account of. oght, 78/2713, «sb.» aught. onarmede, 14/464, unarmed. onneþe, 89/3105, «adv.» scarcely. onworthily, 49/1634, «adv.» unusefully. orders, 59/2036. «See the note.» ore, 72/2512, «sb.» mercy, favour. O.E. âr. orfrays, 83/2888, «sb.» gold embroidery. Lat. Aurifrisum. overlede, 72/2502, «vb.» to domineer over, to oppress. Parelles, 55/1917, «sb. pl.» perils. Fr. péril. paynym, 16/539, «sb.» pagan. pellure, 83/2887, «sb.» fur. O.Fr. pelure. pight, 34/1158, «pp.» pitched, fixed. pinne, 88/3077, «vb.» to torment. O.E. pînan. playn, 6/177, «vb.» to complain. plete, 33/1151, «vb.» plead, prattle. From Fr. plet, plaid. plight, 26/889, «prs. s.» promise, assure. poleyne, 6/176, «sb.» pully-pieces, knee-armour. praye, 16/550, «sb.» press, crowd. prees, 40/1399, «sb.» crowd, struggle. Fr. presse. preest, 34/1169, «adj.» ready. Fr. prest. prik, 81/2831, «vb.» to spur a horse, to ride. prikke, 65/2260, «sb.» a piece of wood in the centre of the target. See Halliwell’s «Diction.» «s. v.» preke. prove, 6/183, «vb.» to try. prowe, 51/1766, «sb.» profit, advantage, honour. Fr. prou. prymsauns, 28/965 (?). «See the note.» Quod, 32/1095, «prt. s.» quoth. qwelle, 75/2614, «vb.» to kill. O.E. cwellan. qwere, 17/566, «sb.» quire, choir-service. qweynte, 3/74, «adj.» excellent, elegant. O.Fr. coint. Lat. cognitus. qwike, 58/2001, «adj.» alive, burning. O.E. cwic. qwite, 16/520, «vb.» to requite, to reward. Racches, 2/56, «sb.» setting dogs, pointers. rafe, 25/866, «vb.» to rave. O.Fr. raver. Span. rabiar. Lat. rabiare. ras, 39/1349, «sb.» instant, occasion. «See the note.» 19/645, hurry, haste. rase, 23/774, «sb.» rush, channel of the sea. raught, 46/1605, «prt. s.» reached, aimed at, struck. O.E. r[^æ]hte. rede, 85/2980, «sb.» counsel, advice. O.E. r[^æ]d. rees, 49/1693, «sb.» time, occasion. rehete, 59/2035, «vb.» to cheer. rekyneth, 57/1982, «prs. s.» reckons, deduces. releve, 7/219, «vb.» to rally. renew, 33/1126, «vb.» to tie. Fr. renouer. renew, 63/2200, «vb.» to renovate, to recommence. Renew. resyn, 16/534, «prs. pl.» rise. rew, 89/3105, «sb.» row, order. O.E. r[^æ]w. roght, 54/1878, «pt. pl.» recked, cared. O.E. rôhton. roial, 20/686, 51/1765, «adj.» exquisite, distinguished; 71/2483, delightful. Cf. l. 2247. rome, 14/484, «vb.» to walk about. See Stratmann, «s. v.» râmen, p. 452. romme, 26/876, «sb.» room, space. O.E. rûm. rowte, 2/54, «sb.» company, host. rowte, 60/2073, «vb.» to assemble in a company, to throng, to rally. ruly, 47/1624, «adj.» rueful. O.E. hrêowlîc. ryme, 10/339, «vb.» to cry out, to moan. Saile, 12/385, «vb.» to assail. same, all in s., 56/1938, altogether. sare, 21/706, «adv.» sorely, sadly. saule, 66/2310. «See the note.» saute, 18/619, «sb.» assault. saye, 58/1998, «pt. pl.» saw. O.E. s[^æ]gon. scole, 33/1141, «vb.» style, manner. sede, 7/235, «sb.» seed. seke, 32/1116, «adj.» sick. semely, 2/39, «adj.» seemly, comely, beautiful. sendelle, 4/129, «sb.» a kind of rich thin silk. set, 49/1717, «vb.» to consider, estimate. sete, 3/62, «sb.» a seat. sewes, 76/2654, «sb.» juices, delicacies. O.E. seaw. seyne, 14/472, «vb.» to speak. shente, 1/23, «pp.» destroyed. shifte, 78/2704, «vb.» to divide, to share. O.E. sciftan. shonde, 64/2222, «sb.» disgrace, ignominy. O.E. sceand. shoon, 40/1381, «sb.» shoes. O.E. scêon, scêos. shope him, 2/50, «pt. s.» got himself ready to, arrayed himself. shoure, 15/509, «sb.» fight. shrew, 72/2518, «vb.» to curse. shrewes, 76/2652, «sb.» wicked beings. sikerlye, 62/2172, «adv.» surely. sith, 47/1632, «conj.» since. sithe, 47/1619, «sb. pl.» times. O.E. sîð. skaped, 59/2043, «pt. s.» escaped. skath, 47/1645, «sb.» loss, damage, ruin. Cf. O.E. sceaðan. skomfited, 38/1320, «pp.» discomfited. O.Fr. desconfire. skulkyng, 76/2651, «prs. p.» lurking, breaking forth from a hiding place. smerte, 38/1309, «adj.» smart, pungent. smertly, 41/1419, «adv.» smartly, at once. socoure, 15/507, «sb.» succour, assistant. soghten, 40/1372, «pt. pl.» moved on, rode. «See the note.» solas, 20/675, «sb.» relief, recreation, pleasure. O.Fr. solaz. Lat. solatium. somer, 77/2702, «sb.» a sumpter horse. Fr. sommier. Cf. Diez, «Etym. Dict.» I., p. 364, «s. v.» salma. sonde, 61/2134, «sb.» message, order. sore, 2/47, «adv.» very much, eagerly. sore, 33/1138, «adv.» sadly. sowdeoures, 21/727, «sb.» soldiers, hirelings. Lat. solidarius. Cf. Fr. soudard, soudoyé. spede, 70/2433, «vb.» thrive. spille, 36/1226, «vb.» to destroy. O.E. spillan. stenyed, 24/825, «pt. s.» shook, astounded. steven, 65/2258, «sb.» voice. O.E. stefn. stondart, 78/2717, «sb.» standard-bearer. Fr. étendard. store, 23/768, «sb.» provision. store, 92/3210, «sb.» stock, preservation, keeping. stoure, 7/212, «sb.» battle, tumult. stoute, 53/1825, «adj.» proud, boasting. stronde, 2/53, «sb.» strand, shore. stroyeth, 5/159, «prs. s.» destroyeth. stynte, 52/1804, «pt. pl.» stopped. sue, 46/1601, «vb.» to follow. Fr. suivre. sware, 13/428, «adj.» heavy. swyth, 47/1621, «adv.» quick, fast. O.E. swîðe. Tan, 74/2581, «pp.» taken. tene, 30/1032, «sb.» grief, anger, insult, injury. O.E. têona. tene, 83/2902, «vb.» to vex, to wax wroth. O.E. tŷnan. teyde, 48/1648, «pp.» tied. tha, 76/2639. «See the note.» thane, 51/1756, than that. then, 46/1593, «vb.» to prosper. O.E. Þêon. thikke, 30/1027, «adj.» numerous, plentiful, plenty. threste, 34/1170, «vb.» to thrust, shake, totter. thrifte, 78/2706, «sb.» thriving, prosperity, success. O.Icel. Þrift. tho, 59/2052, «pron.» those, them. tho, 59/2063, «art.» the, those. tho, 2/53, «adv.» then. O.E. ðâ. thronge, 41/1401, «sb.» thrusts, throwing of arrows. tobraste, 34/1168, «pt. pl.» burst, or broke in pieces. O.E. (tôbærst) tôburston. tohewe, 89/3103, «pp.» hewn to pieces. O.E. tô-hêawen. tokenyng, 8/242, «sb.» news, intelligence. totreden, 40/1382, «pp.» crushed, trodden down. trappe, 52/1802, «vb.» to go. Cf. Ger. trippeln, E. trip, O.Fr. treper. tredde, 58/1999, «sb.» thread. O.E. Þr[^æ]d. trende, 27/940, «pp.» turned, vaulted. treted, 55/1923, «pt. pl.» treated, pressed. Fr. traiter. trewe, 3/67, «adj.» a thorough master of, a trustworthy interpreter of. treyumple, 27/913 (?) trowe, 8/246, «vb.» to believe. trusse, 49/1707, «vb.» to pack off, to be off. trwes, 31/1060, «sb.» truce. tyte, 6/181, «adj.» soon, quickly, fast. Unneth, 5/160, «adv.» scarcely. Vere, 28/965, «sb.» spring. vertue, 66/2312, «sb.» magic, power. viage, 82/2846, «sb.» voyage, journey. victory, 92/3227, «sb.» booty. voydance, 32/1106, «sb.» relinquishment, deliverance. voyde, 51/1768, «vb.» to give up, abandon, leave. Wage, 18/590, «vb.» to hire, pay. ware, 7/204, «adj.» aware. waste, 8/246, in = in vain. wende, 92/3214, «vb.» to turn, go. O.E. wendan. wende, 85/2958, «pt. s.» thought, O.E. wênde. wene, 31/1061, «vb.» to think. were, 7/210, «vb.» to defend, to protect, to fight. O.E. werian. werre, 16/541, «sb.» war. wery, 3/60, «adj.» weary, fatigued. wessh, 54/1871, «pt. pl.» washed. wete, 94/3270, «vb.» to know. what, 47/1623, «pron.» = who. wifle, 76/2650, «sb.» a kind of axe. O.E. wífel, “bipennis.” wight, 27/933, «adj.» nimble, active. Sw. «vig», active. wirch, 5/148, «vb.» to work, to do. O.E. wyrcan. wiste, 48/1662, «pt. s.» knew. wode, 9/276, «adj.» mad, furious. wode-wroth, 90/3130, «adj.» madly angry. O.E. wôd and wrâð. wone, 60/2093, «sb.» lot, quantity. Icel. wân. worche, 59/2046, «vb.» to work, to do. O.E. wyrcan. worthed up, 34/1163, «pt. s.» got up, mounted. wote, 2/36, «prs. s.» know. O.E. wât. wotist, 61/2123, «prs. s.» knowest. O.E. wâst. wrake, 70/2446, «sb.» persecution, mischief, destruction. O.E. wracu. wreke, 88/3058, «pp.» wreaked, revenged. wrong, 73/2557, «pt. s.» pressed, forced his way, hurried off. O.E. wringan. wyne, 9/275, «vb.» get, attain. O.E. winnan. Yare, 19/639, «adj.» ready. O.E. gearu. yates, 66/2285, «sb.» gates. O.E. gatu. yede, 66/2311, «pt. s.» went. O.E. ge-eode. yolde, 12/403, «vb.» yield. O.E. gieldan, «pp.» golden. yolowe, 29/1005, «adj.» yellow. O.E. geolo. Þilke, 76/2644, «pron.» such, yon. O.E. þylc. þon, 4/108, «art.» the. O.E. þone. [p141] INDEX OF NAMES. AGREMARE, Agremour or Egremour, a town in Spain situated on the river Flagot. The soudan is holding his court there (l. 33), when he hears of the injuries done to his subjects by the Romans. Having destroyed Rome, he returns to Agremor (l. 672) [not to Morimonde, as in the «Destruction», l. 1351, and in «Fierabras», l. 27]. At Agremor the twelve peers are imprisoned and besieged. «Syr Ferumbras» reads «Egremoygne», «Egremoun», «Agremoun». ALAGOLOFUR, a Saracen giant, warden of the bridge of Mantrible; ll. 2135, 2881, 2149, 2175, 2801, 3053. In «Syr Ferumbras», l. 3831, etc., he is called Agolafre. In the French poem of «Fierabras» we find Agolafre and Golafre. ALCARON, l. 2762, a Saracen deity; cf. note to l. 2271. ALEROYSE, l. 1699, one of the twelve peers; cf. note to l. 884. ALISAUNDRE. Ferumbras is called King of Alisaundre, ll. 510, 984. Cf. «Destr.» 71, 1237, 1315. «Fierabras», 50, 66, 538, etc. Ashmole «Ferumbras», 53, 88, etc. APPOLYN, one of the Mahometan deities. See note to l. 86. ARABYE, l. 3097. Cf. «Destr.» 75; «Fierabras», 3160, 4096. ASCALON. Laban’s birthplace, l. 100, and subject to him. This name does not occur in any other version. ASCAROT, l. 2762, a Mahometan god. Occurring in none of the other versions. ASCOPARS, see note to l. 495. ASKALOUS, l. 497. ASSAYNES, l. 497. ASSIENS, ll. 1039, 2085. In this poem only the last three nations are mentioned as being included among Laban’s subjects. ASSYE, l. 102, 123, 1000. See note to l. 1000. ASTRAGOT, «or» ESTRAGOT, a Saracen giant who kills Sabaris, ll. 346, 352. He is slain by the portcullis let down by the Romans, l. 432. He was husband to Barrock, the giantess of the bridge of Mantrible, ll. 2944, 3022. Cf. «Destr.» 1090. Not in «Fierabras» nor in the Ashmolean version. See note to l. 346. AUFRIKE, ll. 102, 114. Aufricanes, l. 257, part of the soudan’s dominions. Cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 5465, «Destr.» 76, «Fierabras», 4913. BABILON, see note to l. 69; cf. «Destr.» 78, 204, 85; «Fierabras», 51; «Syr Fer.» 53. BALDESEYNES, 501, 871. Occurring in no other version; cf. besides Martin’s note to Kudrun, 161, 2, and perhaps «Fierabras», 2873, 4721 Balegué = Balaguer (Ballegarium, Valaguaria) near Lerida in Spain. BARBARYE, l. 1001, mentioned only in this poem. BARROK, ll. 2939, 2950, 3022, a giantess, wife to Astragot, slain by Charles. See note to l. 2939. BELMORE, does not occur in the other versions; see note to l. 3122. BELSABUB, l. 357, occurs only in this poem. BERNARD OF SPRUWSE (? Prussia); 1715, one of the twelve knights. See «Introduction», p. xxvii. BOLOYNE, 3238. Charles presents the nails to that place. See note to l. 3236, and cf. «Fierabras», l. 6199. BRETOMAYN, Laban’s gaoler at Agremor, ll. 1533, 1591, slain by Floripas, l. 1606. This name is spelt ‘Brutamont’ in «Fierabras», ‘Brytamoun’ in «Syr Ferumbras». It is not to be met with in the «Destruction». BROULAND, chief counsellor to Laban. See note on l. 1743. BRYER OF BRYTAYN,—of Mountez; see note to l. 1723. BRYER OF POYLE, a Roman knight, slain by Ferumbras; see note to l. 514. BULGARE, l. 1002. Occurring in no other poem. CASSAUNDRE, ll. 986, 512, town belonging to Lukafer. This name is not found in the other versions. CHARLES, Charlemayne, the French king. CHAUNDER, l. 123, a town in Asia; only mentioned here. See note to l. 1000. COSDROYE escorts a convoy destined for the soudan; he is slain by Roland; cf. note to l. 2695. CRAMADAS, a Saracen bishop, ll. 2775, 2788. Not found in the other versions. CURRAUNTES, the bridge near Mantrible, l. 2866. This name occurs only in this poem. DASABERDE, l. 1707, (?) mentioned only here. DENYS, ll. 27, 61, etc. Occurring in all versions. DURNEDALE, Roland’s sword; see note to l. 875. ESPIARD, l. 111, Laban’s messenger; cf. note to l. 2145. ETHIOPES, subject to Laban. See note to l. 257. EUROPE, l. 1002. Mentioned only in this poem. FERUMBRAS, see note to l. 93. FLAGOT, the river on which the city of Mantrible with its famous bridge is situated, cf. ll. 2559, 2798, 2855, etc., and «Fierabras», ll. 7348, 4886, etc. When the twelve peers besieged in Agremar send Richard of Normandy to Charlemagne to ask his aid, Richard is said to have started in the direction of Mantrible, l. 2559; but finding the bridge blocked up and guarded, l. 2799, he is obliged to swim across the water, ‘Flagot the flode,’ l. 2804. Charlemagne being informed of the distress of his peers, starts towards Mantrible, l. 2849, and having first taken it and left Richard there with two hundred knights, l. 3044, he continues his march against the soudan at Agremar, l. 3047. Whence it is clear that Agremar cannot be situated on the river Flagot, as is stated in l. 34; a mistake evidently owing to an oversight on the part of the poet. Cf. besides, note to l. 1723. FLOREYN OF ROME, name given to Ferumbras after his baptism; see note to l. 1486. FLORIP, Florypas; see note to l. 614. In the Ashmolean versions we find «Floryppe», a spelling which does not occur in any of the French poems. But once we find «Floripes» in «Fierabras», l. 2035. FOCARD, l. 2900, one of the Christian knights who struck at the bridge-keeper of Mantrible when he refused to let them pass. The name occurs only in this poem. FOLK BALIANT, l. 1695, one of the twelve peers. Only found in this poem. FORTIBRAUNCE, l. 422, one of the soudan’s engineers. Only occurring in this poem. FRAUNCE. Charles is called king of dowse Fraunce, cf. «Fierabras», 2103; «Syr Ferumbras», 1269. This phrase does not occur in the «Destruction». FREMOUNDE, a saint; see note to l. 2845. FRIGE, l. 1000; Frigys, l. 1040. Part of the soudan’s dominions, not mentioned in the other versions. GALLOPES, l. 251, mentioned only in this poem. GAȜE, a town in Spain, where Charlemagne lands his troops. The name is found only in this poem (in rhyme), l. 772. GENELYN, a French knight, notorious for his treachery. He advised Charles to leave Spain and to return home, urging that the twelve peers must be dead at Agremor, since no news arrived from them, l. 2820. When in assaulting Mantrible he saw Charles shut in in the city, he treacherously proclaimed the king to be dead, and ordered the French to return to France, where he hoped to be crowned king. But he was rebuked by Ferumbras (ll. 2970–2991). For his treason he is hanged and drawn at Montfaucon in Paris (ll. 3244–3254). GENERYSE, ll. 1139, 1239, is the name Oliver gives himself when asked by Ferumbras. The French «Fierabras» and the Ashmole «Ferumbras» have Garin instead. GY OF BOURGOYNE, see note to ll. 1888, 1892. GYNDARD, l. 543, a Roman senator who kills ten Saracens. He is slain by Lukafer. Occurring only in this poem. HUBERT, l. 518, a Roman knight, slain by Ferumbras. Not mentioned in the other versions. IFFREZ, a Roman senator who advises to send to Charles for help. See note to l. 165. INDE, l. 999. Not mentioned in the other poems. Cf. note to l. 999. ISRES, 625, 641, the chief porter of Rome, who treacherously delivers the keys to the Saracens. See note to l. 625. JUBYTER, ll. 2254, 2762, a Saracen god, mentioned only in this poem. LABAN, see note to l. 29. LOWES, occurring in the «Sowdan» and the «Destruction», but not mentioned in the other versions. See note to l. 24. LUKAFER OF BALDAS, see note to l. 113. Once, l. 236, this name is spelt Lukefere. MACEDOYNE, l. 1002. Occurring only in this poem. MAHOUND, see note to l. 86. MAPYN, l. 2326, introduces himself into the bed-chamber of Floripas to steal the fatal girdle. In the French poem, l. 3046, he is called Maubrun d’Agremolée; in the Ashmolean version Maubyn of Egremolee, l. 2385. Cf. «Introduction», pp. xx, xxx, xxxi. MARAGONDE, the name of Floripas’s governess, l. 1563. Spelt Morabunde in the French poem. See «Introduction», pp. xxx, xxxi. MARIE, ll. 917, 2390; cf. «Destr.» ll. 374, 564; «Fierabras», ll. 285, 815; «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 5177, 5451. MARSEDAG, king of Barbarye, occurs only in this poem. See note to l. 2247. MAUNTRIBLE, a town in Spain on the river Flagot (see above) with a bridge; cf. also «Destr.» 211, and «Fierabras», 1867, etc. MAVON, ll. 278, 422, 2230, Laban’s engineer; spelt Mabon in the «Destr.» ll. 908, 941, and in «Fierabras», l. 3735. The name does not occur in the Ashmole MS. MIRON OF BRABANE, one of the twelve peers, occurring only in this poem, l. 1703. MONTFAWCON, l. 3253. Not found in the other versions. MOUNPELERS, after having conquered the soudan, Charlemagne sails from Spain to Mounpeler, l. 3228. The name does not occur in the «Fierabras», where the king returns to France in an eight days’ journey (ll. 6164–6187). Cf. «Destr.» ll. 250, 286. MOWNJOYE, see note to l. 868, and cf. the «Song of Roland», 128/746. NEYMES OF BAVERE, one of the twelve peers, see note to l. 836. NUBENS, l. 873, NUBYE, l. 1001, a people subject to the soudan. OGER DANOYS, one of the twelve peers, see note to l. 836. OLIBORN, l. 99, the soudan’s chancellor; only found in this poem. OLYVER, one of the twelve peers; see note to l. 1250. PARIS, l. 917; see note to l. 3254. PERSAGYN, a king of Italy, and uncle to Ferumbras, slain by Oliver, l. 1259. In the «Destr.» l. 162, we find one Parsagon mentioned among the peers of the soudan’s empire. See note to l. 1259. PERSE, l. 2888, cf. «Destr.» ll. 77, 421. «Fierabras», 1640, 1713. SEINT PETER, ll. 161, 480, etc., the saint; cf. «Fierabras», l. 1261; «Syr Ferumbras», l. 3756; «Destr.» l. 501. CEINT PETER, l. 453, the cathedral; cf. «Fierabras», l. 57; «Destr.» l. 1109. SEINT POUL, ll. 163, 3269, the saint; cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 3756; not mentioned in the other poems. POYLE, l. 514,? Apulia; found only in this poem; cf. note to l. 1000. QWYNTYN, l. 1298, a saint by whom Ferumbras swears; see note to l. 2845. RICHARD OF NORMANDY, see notes to ll. 2535, 2795, 3044. ROMAYNE, l. 77, inhabitant of Rome. ROME, l. 17. ROULAND, see note to ll. 1499, 1888. SATHANAS, l. 2777, a Saracen god. SAVARIS, l. 171, a duke of Rome who leads the Roman troops against the Saracens. He is slain by Estragot (l. 346). He also occurs in the «Destr. de Rome». In the French «Fierabras» appears a French knight Savaris, l. 1699. SORTYBRAUNCE, the chief councillor of the soudan. SPAYN, l. 717, belonging to the soudan’s dominions. It is the scene of the principal action narrated in this poem, as indeed the only part where the scene is laid elsewhere is that describing the destruction of Rome. SYMON, a saint by whom Charles swears, l. 1713. TAMPER, a name peculiar to this poem. He erects a gallows before Agremore castle to hang Guy, l. 2641. TERMAGANT, l. 137, a Saracen deity; cf. note to l. 86. Spelt Ternagant in «Syr Ferumbras», Tervagant in the French «Fierabras». TERY LARDENEYS, one of the twelve peers; see note to l. 1691. TURKES, l. 874, cf. «Fierabras», 128, 1641, 3767. «Syr Ferumbras», 5433, 5677. TURPYN, the French bishop who baptizes Ferumbras, l. 1475. This name does not occur in the Ashmole MS. VENYS, subject to Laban; see note to l. 1000. Mentioned only in this poem. RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON & BUNGAY. TRANSCRIBER’S ENDNOTE Original printed spelling and grammar has been retained, with some exceptions noted below. Original italics «look like this». The middle English characters “ȝ”, “Þ”, “ð”, and “þ” were originally printed always without italic form, but in this edition have been rendered as italic wherever that seems appropriate, as in this sentence from page xxxvii: “«That» or «þat», «who», «whome» are used as relative pronouns”. Some characters of the printed book cannot be shown in this edition except in a coded form. Thus, “[^æ]” indicates æ with circumflex; “[rh]” denotes an r with hook on the upper right; “[f|]” denotes an f with vertical bar on the right; “[g|]” denotes a g with vertical bar on the right; “[d+]” denotes a d with an l-shape attached to the stem; “[l~l]” denotes ll with a tilde through them; “[t|]” denotes t with a vertical bar attached to the right; “[k|]” denotes k with a vertical bar attached to the right; “þ^e” denotes þ with superscript e; “M^l” denotes M with superscript l. Two unicode characters, "ɳ" & "ᶙ", have been substituted for letters n and u, respectively, with hooks. The poem «The Romounce of the Sowdone», beginning on page 1, has sidenotes which contain a running synopsis of the play in modern English. In the printed book, these notes were broken into segments which were positioned so as to correspond more or less accurately to the lines of the play. For this edition, the synopsis notes have been rewrapped to fit within an allotted space, but are still aligned more or less accurately with the lines of the play. The sidenotes also contain page references to the original manuscript from which the play was transcribed, for example “[leaf 3]”. These have been kept aligned with the correct line of the poem, in this case, line 80. Page vi: «Pantragruel» changed to «Pantagruel». Page xxv: “346, 4902, the name of the giant” is changed to “346, 2944, 3022, the name of the giant”. This error occurs also in the Index of Names, see below. Page xlvii: A new heading has been inserted—“MS. OF THE SOWDAN”—to match the table of contents. The original text showed only a horizontal rule here. Page 2: “amirals” changed to “admirals”, in the sidenote. Page 9, l. 289: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l. 291. Page 10, l. 313: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l. 323. Page 23, l. 755: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l. 766. Page 27, l. 895: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l. 910. Page 31, l. 1059: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l. 1074. Page 36: In sidenote “They fight for a considerable time the blood”, added semicolon between «time» and «blood». Page 46: In the sidenotes, full stop was added after “dashed out his brains”, and “feeding he prisoners” was changed to “feeding the prisoners”. Page 47: The first footnote had no label number; a number has been inserted to correspond to the footnote anchor on line 1615. Page 57, second footnote: the word “iuste” was printed with a small “o” above the “iu”, suggesting “iouste”, which is adopted in this transcription. Page 59, l. 2063: the left quotation mark was unmatched. A new right double quotation mark is inserted at the end of l. 2066, after ‘there-ate.’. Page 64, l. 2243: the left quotation mark before ‘beitħ’ was unmatched; a new right quotation mark is inserted at the end of line 2246. Page 66, l. 2307: the left quotation mark ahead of ‘my loue’ was unmatched. A new right quotation mark is inserted at the end of l. 2310. Page 68, l. 2380: the left quotation mark seems to be unmatched in the printed text. A new matching right quotation mark is inserted at the end of line 2390. Page 69: There were two footnote anchors, but only one footnote. Very likely, although the footnote anchors are independent, the footnote text “See the note.” applying equally to both. In this edition, a second footnote has been inserted to correspond to the second footnote anchor. Page 87, l. 3021: Poem says “xiiij”; sidenote says “4”; both retained. Page 96, under “p. 2, l. 26. «bokes of antiquyte».” The printed text provides a reference to Gautier, «Epop. Fr.», II. 87, which is retained herein. However, a member of the Distributed Proofreaders team has pointed out that the reference should have been to «Les épopées françaises. Étude sur les origines et l’histoire de la littérature nationale», I. 87 (1865). This book is available from archive.org, filename “lespopesfran01gautuoft”. Page 99: in “p. 8, l. 84. «tithynge.»”, changed “8,” to “3,”. Page 113: “p. 35, l. 1060” changed to “p. 31, l. 1060”. Page 120: “p. 44, l. 1538” changed to “p. 44, l. 1539”. Page 121: In the line “Sire drois emperere, pour amour Dieu. oiés”, the full stop after Dieu was changed to comma, in agreement with the text available at archive.org filed under “fierabraschanso00servgoog”. Page 123: The range of line numbers in “«Destruction», ll. 1240–159” does not seem to make sense, but is retained. The line ‘“Ja mais ne mengerai si sera desmembrés.’’ was changed to ‘“Ja mais ne mengerai si sera desmembrés.”’. Page 125: In “p. 59, l. 2045. «that he wente awaye with lym» = “that he had escaped with (his limbs, or having) his limbs safe and sound. «lyme», O.E. «lim»., Mod. Eng. «limb».”, a right double quotation mark was inserted after ‘sound.’, and “«lim».,” was changed to “«lim»,”. Glossary, “nather, 36/1232”. Line 1232 spells it “nathir”; both forms are retained. Glossary, “then, 46/1593”. Line 1593 spells it “then̄”; both forms are retained. Index of Names, “Astrogot, or Estragot”. The printed references “ll. 3944, 4902” are changed to “ll. 2944, 3022”. End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Romaunce of The Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras his , by Anonymous *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 48531 ***